The “arms for hostages” explanation, as the reason for pro viding arms to Iran, was readily accepted by the general public and a gullible and compliant press, despite the patent absurdity of its premise, to wit: Iran was overcharged for weapons, and the extra money was funneled to the Contras (40,41).
Let us recall that Saudi billionaire, Adnan Khashoggi, was providing millions of dollars to support the Contras, as was the Sultan of Brunei, and the royal family of Saudi King Fahd (40). How many other sources were also kicking in cash, we don’t know though we do know that the bin Laden family was involved and that the Contras were also flush with cash thanks to the drug trade (58).
We should ask, was Bush really selling arms for the release of hostages, or was that just icing on the cake? Was the prospect of getting a few dollars of “chump change” left over after overcharg ing Iran, really the reason why Reagan-Bush sold arms to Iran?
If not, then why did Reagan-Bush sell this terrorist state of fensive weapons?
And we should ask, why would the government of Israel (40,41,63), wish to assist in the arming of a radical Islamic funda mentalist regime that was preaching “death to Israel”?
And, why would Saudi Arabia also willingly become part of this triangle when Iran’s Shiit revolution was threatening their Sunni kingdom?
There are several answers all of which center on Middle East ern and Central Asian oil, the Soviet Union, and the fact that Iran was at war with Iraq (64).
Iraq has the second largest oil reserves in the world. The Saudis believe that Iraq is a broken off part of Arabia, and they want it back. Israel believes that God promised then a huge hunk of Iraq as part of the promised land (65). And, U.S. oil companies, and the “New World Order” brotherhood of death, wanted Iraq for its oil and its strategic importance in gaining control over the energy needs of the developing world (66).
What all parties wanted in common, was for Iran and Iraq to destroy one another, but that neither should win the war.
It was the ‘ol Hegelian synthesis of controlled conflict where only the bankers, arm’s merchants, and the predators waiting on the sidelines win.
The Iran Iraq war, which began in 1980, was a losing propo sition for Iraq from the start, placing incredible economic, social, religious, and political strains on the country and its people. And, yet, Saddam Hussein started the war, and in this regard it is note worthy that he was urged on by Saudi Arabia which promised to help fund the conflict (67).
Saddam did not make the decision to invade Iran solely be cause of the promises of Saudi Arabia. Rather, he did so because of a sense of incredible vulnerability. Saddam Hussein and his Baath Party, had spent years trying to forge an Iraqi nationstate and to unify a diverse people with diverse religions, which included an almost equal number of Sunnis and Shiits (68). Saddam Hussein believed that Iran’s new Islamic revolutionary Shiit government was planning to throw his own government into chaos and destroy all he had accomplished, by encouraging an uprising among the Shiit population (67,68). The ruling families of Kuwait and Saudi Arabia also feared that Iran’s Shiit revolution might spill over into their own borders, and thus, they too felt threatened, and they fanned Saddam’s sense of paranoia (64,67).
Indeed, Iran’s new leader, the Ayatollah Khomeini, had al ready vowed revenge on Iraq, which had expelled him after fifteen years in An Najaf. The Ayatollah Khomeini also claimed that Shiits of Iraq were victims of Baathist repression. Khomeini promised to come to their aid. In April of 1980, the Iranians attempted to assas sinate Iraqi foreign minister Tariq Aziz and Latif Nayyif Jasim, the Iraqi Minister of Culture (67).
Saddam had every reason to worry, and thus launched the war preemptively. He did so during a period of Iranian weakness, the result of the overthrow of the Shah of Iran and the disintegration of the Imperial Iranian Army whose highest ranking officers had been executed following the 1979 Iranian revolution. The Ira nian armed forces were not only without effective leadership, but according to Iraqi intelligence estimates, it also lacked spare parts for their Americanmade equipment (64,67).
Saddam launched his war on September 22, 1980. Within a few weeks it looked as if Iraq would win the war. Saddam even offered to end the war. The Ayatollah Khomeini scornfully rejected his terms.
Almost all experts agree that Saddam miscalculated, that he may have been lured into a war that in the long run, he could not win. Saddam and the world didn’t know it, but Saudi Arabia, Is rael, and the Reagan-Bush administration, were also secretly and covertly backing Iran (40,41,63,69,70).
In October, a few weeks after the IraqIran war began, George Bush secretly met with Iranian officials in Paris, accompanied by Salem bin Laden and Mr. Nir, an Israeli agent (43,44). He made the Iranians an offer, that given their precarious position, they dared not refuse: Keep the Americans hostage and aid would on the way.
Tehran accepted the bribes offered by Bush and rejected Iraq’s settlement offer, as they now knew they were going to begin receiving needed spare parts and supplies. Over the next several weeks, the Iranians desperately sought to hold the line against the militarily superior Iraqi forces, as American arms, supplies, spare parts, and logistics and technological assistance began to arrive in massive amounts from unknown sources—most probably Israel (63).
In January, 1981, as Reagan and Bush took office, Iran be gan releasing imprisoned military officers, the Iranian Army sud denly began cooperating and coordinating attacks with the armed units under the control of Khomeini, and Iran began a series of increasingly effect counteroffensives (64). In 1982 and continuing until 1984, Iraq was repeatedly forced to retreat and Iran began to invade Iraqi territory.
This was made possible with the assistance of the Reagan Bush administration, via Israel (63,70) and Saudi allies, Pakistan and Algeria (71) which transferred vast quantities of U.S. made weapons and spare parts to Iran. In addition to arms, spare parts and supplies, the Reagan-Bush team also passed to the Iranians “intelligence” about the threat on Iran’s borders as well as internal threats posed by Iranian communists (41). According to the Tower Commission (41): “In 1983, the United States helped bring to the attention of Teheran the threat inherent in the extensive infiltration of the government by the communist Tudeh Party and Soviet or pro-Soviet cadres in the country. Using this information, the Khomeini government took measures, including mass executions, that virtually eliminated the pro-Soviet infrastructure in Iran.”
After the Iran-Contra scandal broke, in 1986, Reagan announced in November that his administration provided arms “to find an avenue to get Iran back where it once was and that is in the family of democratic nations” (63). Of course, Iran had never been a democratic nation.
The Tower Commission also justified the illegal provision of materials and intelligence, by echoing the claims of the Reagan Bush administration that they were trying to make friends with Iranian moderates: “a strategic opening to Iran may have been in the national interest” (40).
The Reagan-Bush administration further claimed that their efforts in Iran were designed to build ties to moderates, when in fact they were well aware that they were dealing with religious fanatics and that the weapons would go to the Revolutionary Guards, the shock troops of the mullahs (41). In August 1986, the special assistant to the Israeli prime minister briefed George Bush, telling him, “we are dealing with the most radical elements….This is good because we’ve learned that they can deliver and the moderates can’t” (41).
By the end of 1984, the Iran Iraqi war had become a war of attrition (64). Over 300,000 Iranian soldiers and 250,000 Iraqi troops had been killed, and the Iranians were now using children as weapons. According to Iranian eyewitnesses, the Iranian government rounded up thousands of orphans and street urchins, both girls and boys, gave them a “plastic key” to paradise, and wrapped them in blankets and forced them to roll over mine fields. Other witnesses tell of thousands of children, mostly boys, who were tied together with ropes, and then driven forward as human shields.
In 1986, Iran again became flush with new American made offensive weapons and supplies, as well as intelligence about the Iraqi front. Iran, flush with illegal U.S. assistance began a series of highly successful attacks, capturing large land masses in the southern regions of Iraq as well as the Iraqi oil port of Al Faw (64). CIA deputy director John McMahon remarked that this intelligence gave the Iranians “a definite edge,” which would produce “cataclysmic results” (41).
In January of 1987, Iranian units began a massive offensive into Iraqi terrorize, and almost broke Iraq’s last line of defense east of Basra. Victory was almost within their grasp (64).
However, the Israelis, the Saudis, and the American had no stomach for an Iranian victory. The goals was to bleed these nations dry. If Iraq fell, Saudi Arabia and Kuwait would be the next targets of the Islamic revolution, and Reagan had already declared, after becoming President, that “we will not permit [Saudi Arabia] to be an Iran.”
The United States now began to openly supply Iraq. In May 1987, U.S. Assistant Secretary of State Richard Murphy met with Saddam Hussein and promised him arms and assistance. He also assured Saddam that the UN would pass a mandatory arms embargo against Iran.
The strategy was pure Hegelian. A weak Iraq was in need of friends and money, and the Reagan-Bush administration and the bankers and arms merchants of Wall Street were happy to provide loans and to sell him whatever he needed. This strategy also served to pry Saddam away from the Soviet Union, thus making him more dependent on the U.S.
In truth, however, the Reagan-Bush administration, in true Hegelian tradition, had been supplying arms to Iraq since 1981, including five Boeing jetliners (72). However, to do so legally, the Reagan-Bush removed Iraq from its list of nations supporting international terrorism. The Reagan Bush team extended a $400 mil lion credit guarantee for U.S. exports to Iraq (73).
This assistance was increased in 1987, whereas all support for Iran disappeared. As a result, by late 1987 Iran had become less able to mount an effective defense against the resupplied Iraqi army and air force (64).
The Reagan-Bush team also began authorizing U.S. military attacks on Iran, including in October 1987, the destruction of Ira nian oil platforms (74).
The U.S. Navy was also “deployed aggressively and provocatively in the hottest parts of the Persian Gulf” the purpose of which was “to start fights, not to end them.” According to one commanding officer, “We behave at times as if our objective was to goad Iran into a war with us” (77).
That same year, the U.S. cruiser “Vicennes” shot down an Iranian commercial jetliner, killing all 290 people aboard. Although the Reagan-Bush administration claimed it was an accident, it was well known among Navy personnel, that the Vicennes had behaved in a “consistently aggressive” fashion, attacking neutral and non threatening Iranian targets. Because it seemed programmed to at tack, some Navy personnel referred to the ship as “Robo Cruiser” (74,76).
With U.S. assistance to Iraq, and by attacking and denying the Iranian military further assistance, the tide of the Iraqi-Iranian war began to turn. “Four major battles were fought from April to August 1988, in which the Iraqis routed or defeated the Iranians. In the fall of 1988, the Iraqis displayed in Baghdad captured Iranian weapons amounting to more than three-quarters of the Iranian armor inventory and almost half of its artillery pieces and armored personnel carriers” (77).
However, again, it was not the intention of the Reagan-Bush administration, or the Saudis or the Israelis, for Iraq to win. In 1988, Iraq and Iran were so badly bruised and battered, that in response to international pressure, they agreed to end the war.
The Iraq-Iranian war served the long-term objectives of the CIA, Wall Street, the oil men, the Bush family, Israel, and, initially, the Saudi royal family. Iraq and Iran were greatly weakened, thus reducing both not only as a potential threat to Israel and Saudi Arabia, but rendering Iraq more susceptible, in its weakened state, to someday being conquered by Israel, the U.S., or the Wahhabis of Saudi Arabia.
As detailed in chapter 7, at the end of the first world war, and with the collapse of the Ottoman Empire, Britain and France pounced on the Middle East, and divided up the spoils. They created artificial boundaries and thus new states in the Middle East. France and Britain believed that a fragmented people, ruled by leaders appointed by them, would be easier to exploit, and could be more easily forced to accept whatever terms were offered in return for their oil.
France took Syria and Lebanon, and Britain broke Arabia into three states: Iraq, Kuwait, and Saudi Arabia which was re named after king Ibn Saud. The modern borders of Saudi Arabia, Iraq, and Kuwait were established by British Imperial fiat at what became known as the Uqauir Conference.
King Ibn Saud, however, was determined to someday unify his country and to erase the artificial boundaries which created the bastard states of Kuwait and Iraq. This has been the goal of the Saudi royal family ever since.
However, the Saudi SunniWahhabis not only believe that Iraq is a broken off province but that Iraq’s secular government, led by Saddam Hussein, is an affront to God. Indeed, the Saudis have the same view as to the leaders and the peoples of many other Islamic states. It is the long term goal of the followers of the Sunni-Wahhabi school of Islam is to recapture Iraq, and to create a single unified Islamic superstate which includes not just the coun tries of the Middle East, but the world (14,15).
The Sunni-Wahhabis are advocates of “oneness” (Muwahiddun) and the creation of a single unified Islamic world and state, where all the people of the planet belong to “the one true religion” of the Sunni branch of Islam. As preached by the Sunni Wahhabis, the followers of other religions, including Jews, Christians, Hindus, and even Shiits, are heretics, apostates, and infidels, who must be forcibly converted, or killed (15).
It is the Wahhabism connection which also explains why Salem bin Laden, the Saudi king’s best friend, was playing a major role in the “arms for hostages” program and why the Saudis were willing to provide millions of dollars to the Contras as well as other terrorist groups that were attacking western targets as well as other Muslim nations. It is because of their belief in Wahhabism, that the Saudi royals and other leading Saudi families have been eager to fund terrorism, as it is their goal to overthrow non-Islamic governments, including the secular and Shiit leaders of other Islamic nations, and to covert the people of others faiths (14,15).
In this regard, not just Iraq, but Iran with its Shiit population and Shiit leadership has also been a Wahhabi target. However, prior to 1979, both nations appeared to be too strong to conquer.
In 1979, an unexpected event brought the Saudis and the Western powers even closer together and seemed to provide a pos sible solution to the Wahhabi problem of Iran and Iraq. The Shah of Iran, was overthrown and replaced by an anti-U.S. fundamentalist Shiit Muslim regime.
Whereas the U.S. lost an important ally, the Saudis now had to contend with a Shiit revolutionary revival that threatened to spread into Iraq and then into other Islamic nations including even Saudi Arabia—and the Shiite branch of Islam was something the Saudis were intent to destroy.
However, if Iraq and Iran were to go to war, then both might be bled to weakness, thereby eliminating Shiit Iran as a threat and thus making Iraq that much easier to conquer.
It is for these, and reasons related to the control of oil, that the Saudis were willing to work with the Reagan-Bush administration, and initially provide arms to Iran: The Bush team and the Saudis were hungrily eyeing Iraq’s oil fields which some day they hoped to seize. Indeed, Bush, Israel, and Saudi Arabia were all eyeing the same prize and all were happy to initially provide Iran with arms—but not enough arms to win the war with Iraq which Israel hopes to someday annex and which the Saudis hope to some day seize and covert to Wahhabism.
In this regard, the U.S., Saudi Arabia, and Israel were of one mind, which is why all three covertly provided arms and intelligence to Iran, while overtly (with the exception of Israel) providing assistance to Iraq.
It was the ‘ol Hegelian dialectic. Controlled conflict. The synthesis was that whereas in 1988 Iran and Iraq had both lost, Israel, Saudi Arabia, the oil companies and the Wall Street elite were now a few steps closer to someday achieving their long range goals: the creation of a “new world order.”
The following year, in 1989, yet another battle was won. The Soviets, bloody and bruised were forced to withdraw from Afghanistan.
The next phase of the battle for the Central Asian states, and the oilfields of Iraq, had just begun.
1). Stephen Shlesinger & Stephen Kinzer, “Bitter Fruit: the Untold Story of the American Coup in Guatemala,” Anchor Press, 1990? Stacy May & Galo Plaza, “The United Fruit Company in Latin America,” Wash ington, National Planning Association, 1957; Alejandra Batres, “The Experience of the Guatemalan United Fruit Company Workers, 19441954: Why Did They Fail?” Texas Papers on Latin America, Paper No. 9501, University of Texas at Austin, 1995; Paul Dosal, “Doing Business with the Dictators : a Political History of United Fruit in Guatemala, 1899 1944,” SR Books, 1993; Thomas, McCann, “An American Company: the Tragedy of United Fruit,” Crown, 1976; E. Howard Hunt, “Give Us This Day,” New Rochelle: Arlington House, 1973; Audrey R. Kahin, George McT Kahin, “Subversion As Foreign Policy: The Secret Eisenhower and Dulles Debacle in Indonesia;” University of Washington Press, 1997; Vitaly, Syrokomsky, “International Terrorism and the CIA: Documents, Eyewitness Reports, Facts,” Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1983; James A. Bill, “ The Eagle and the Lion: The Tragedy of American-Iranian Relations,” Yale University Press, 1988;Fletcher Prouty, “The Secret Team: The CIA and Its Allies in Control of the U.S. and the World,” Prentice Hall, 1973; Jonathan Kwitney, “The Crimes of Patriots: A True Tale of Dope, Dirty Money & the CIA,” WW Norton, 1987; Rodney Stich, “Defrauding America: A Pattern Of Related Scandals — Dirty Secrets Of The CIA And Other Government Operations,” Diablo Western Press, 1993; William Blum, “Killing Hope: US Military and CIA Intervention Since WWII,” Common Courage Press, 1995.
2). Robinson Rojas Sandford, “The Murder of Allende and the End of the Chilean Way of Socialism,” Harper & Row, 1976; Paul M. Sweezy, “Revolution and Counter-revolution in Chile,” Monthly Review Press, 1974; “CIA plot against Allende: Operating guidance cable,” 10/16/1970. “CIA, Operating Guidance Cable on Coup Plotting, October 16, 1970.”
3) William C. Gibbons, “The U.S. Government and the Vietnam War: Executive and Legislative Roles and Relationships,” Princeton University Press, 19861989.
4). The CIA has been interfering with the nation of Iraq since the 1950s. In 1958, when the U.S.British puppet regime of Nuri Said was overthrown by an uprising of the population, and Abdul Karim Kassem, came to power in his place, the CIA began recruiting operatives from the Iraqi Baath Party, whose leaders included Saddam Hussein. Kassem was overthrown in 1963, by a CIAled Baath party coup. A CIA chief, in testifying before the Senate in the CIA’s role in the bloody coup, whimsically remarked, “The target suffered a terminal illness before a firing squad in Baghdad.” The Baath party was then given a long list of Communists and other undesirables, who were to be arrested and assassinated. How ever, the Baath party then proved to be to independent, particularly when it came to Iraq’s vast oil reserves, which is the prize the CIA, the oil men, and the Wall Street were after in the first place. The CIA thus began a program of destabilization and bribery. In 1964, Mulla Mustafa Barzani, the leader of the former Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) was paid $14 million dollars by the CIA, and was given promises of support for Kurdish independence. Kurdistan, has been broken apart and chunks had been given away to Turkey, Iran and Iraq following the close of WWII. The catch was that Mulla Mustafa Barzani and the KDP had to help over throw the ruling Iraqi Baath Party and then turn over the rights to all Iraqi oil fields to U.S. oil companies.
5). William Scobie, Observer, 11/18/90; Wolfgang Achtner, Sun day Independent, 11/11/1990; Searchlight, 11/1991; Associated Press, 11/ 13/90; John Palmer, Guardian, 10/11/90; Anarchy/Refract, 1984; Richard Norton Taylor, Guardian, 11/15/90; Time Out, 4/7/70; Charles Richards & Simon Jones, Independent, 11/16/90; d Vulliamy, Guardian, 12/5/90; Edward Lucas, Independent, 11/16/90. These terrorists groups were part of Operation Stay Behind and in Italy they were referred to as operation Gladio (the Sword). In Belgium the Stay Behind group was called SDRA 8 and regularly employed terror and several attempted coups. In 1983, in order to convince the Belgian public that a security crisis existed, Gladio operatives staged a series of seemingly random shootings, killing people on the street, at gas stations, and in supermarkets.
6) Le Nouvel Observateur, 11/1521/1998; Bill Blum, “Killing Hope;” Ali A. Jalali & Lester W. Grau, “Night Stalkers and Mean Streets: Afghan Urban Guerrillas,” Infantry, 1999;” Haji MohammadYakub, “Four Urban Bomb Attacks,” Infantry, 1999; Vladislav Tamarov, “Afghanistan Soviet Vietnam,” HRussia, 1995.
7). Yoram Schweitzer, “Osama bin Laden and the Egyptian Terror ist Groups;” Hamid Algar, “Wahhabism: A Critical Essay,” Islamic Publications International, 2002.
8). Leslie H. Gelb, “U.S. Said to Aid Iranian Exiles in Combat and Political Units,” New York Times, 3/7/1982; Farhang, “Iran-Israel Connection;” Bob Woodward, et al., “The Secret Wars of the CIA, 1981 1987,” Simon & Schuster, 1987. Starting in 1979, the CIA, working with the Saudi Royal family, and the bin Laden group’s Paris headquarters, began organizing a group in Paris called the Front for the Liberation of Iran. By 1982, the FLN was receiving $100,000 a month, The FLN was headed by Ali Amini, a CIA operative since 1953. It was Ali Amini who assisted in the 1953 CIA-backed coup which resulted in the denationalization of Iranian oil which was then grabbed up by Standard oil and others. The U.S. also provided support to Iranian terrorists groups based in Turkey, which were headed by General Bahram Aryana, the former chief of the Shah’s armed forces.
9). Yet another group, the “MEK” received financing from the bin Laden group in Paris, in 1980 or 1981. The MEK was established in the late 1960s, and participated in the 1979 Islamic revolution that led to the overthrow of Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi. However, as the MEK preached a brand of Islam that included Marxist ideology, and as some of its leaders were allegedly Sunnis, the Kohmeini regime began arresting and executing its leaders, and the group was driven from its bases on the Iran-Iraq border. The MEK reestablished itself in Paris, the headquarters of the bin Laden group. After the Iran-Contra scandal broke, and the U.S. began openly siding with Iraq, the MEK the moved to Iraq where it then began orchestrating terrorist attacks against Iran.
10). “World Petroleum Assessment 2000 Description and Results,”. U.S. Geological Survey, 2000; “World Factbook of the Central Intelligence Agency of the U.S.A.”
11). John J. Maresca, vice president of Unocal, in his testimony before a House of Representatives committee, reported that “the region’s total oil reserves may reach more than 60 billion barrels of oil. Some estimates are as high as 200 billion barrels,” may lie beneath the soil of Turkmenistan, Kazakhstan, Azerbaijan, and Uzbekistan.
12). J.H. Walsh, Parabolic Projection of World Conventional Oil Production Based on Year 2000 Resource Assessment of the U.S. Geo logical Survey;” John H. Walsh, “World Per Capita Oil Consumption, 19652000; “BP Statistical Review of World Energy;” 2000.
13) “Energy Annual Report. World Oil Consumption, 19802000.”
14). Ahmed Rashid, Jihad: The Rise of Militant Islam in Central Asia,” Yale Univ Press, 2002.
15). Hamid Algar, “Wahhabism: A Critical Essay,” Islamic Publications International, 2002.
16). Le Nouvel Observateur, 11/1521/1998; Bill Blum, “Killing Hope.”
17). Berliner Institut für Vergleichende Sozialforschung, Refugees from Afghanistan (1980 to 1990 ) Quelle: World Refugee Survey, 1999.
18). Kirk J. Beattie, “Egypt During the Sadat Years,” Palgrave Macmillan, 2000; Kenneth W. Stein, “Heroic Diplomacy: Sadat, Kissinger, Carter, Begin and the Quest,” Routledge, 1999.
19). Jason Hoppin, The National Law Journal, 6/12/2000.
20). Parade, “Edwin Wilson: The CIA’s Great Gatsby,” 9/18/1993. 21). U.S. Department of Defense, News, 10/8/1981; American Forces Information Services, U.S. Department of Defense, October, 1981. This well established series of events became the grist for a work of fiction, by the name of “Bright Star” (by Harold W. Coyle, Paul McCarthy) “In the not too distant future, an assassination attempt by Libyan terrorists sparks an Egyptian retaliatory raid across the borders. As the conflict intensifies, U.S. and Soviet troops are drawn into the battle. Frontline soldiers on both sides embark on daring commando raids and face horrific nerve gas attacks.”
22). Mohamed Heikal, “Autumn of Fury: The Assassination of Sadat,” Random House, 1984.
23). Jehl, Douglas, “Egyptian Doctor Believed to be bin Laden’s No. 2,” The New York Times, 9/24/2001.
23). Yoram Schweitzer, “Osama bin Laden and the Egyptian Terrorist Groups.” According to Peter Bergen, author of “Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden,” “the relationship of the al Jihad group and al Qaeda is essentially they are the same organization.” According to the U.S. State Department, AlQaeda and Islamic Jihad “officially” merged in 1998.
24). Scott Baldauf, “The Cave Man and Al-Qaeda,” Christian Science Monitor, 10/31/2001.
25). San Francisco Chronicle, 10/12/2001; United Press International, 10/12/2001.
26). Charles Brisard & Guillaume Dasquie “Forbidden Truth: U.S. Taliban Secret Oil Diplomacy and the Failed Hunt for Bin Laden,” Avalon Books, 2002.
27). Yoram Schweitzer, “Osama bin Laden and the Egyptian Terrorist Groups.”
28). AFP, Agence France Presse, 6/16/2002.
29). The Shari’a is a strictly fundamentalist version of the revealed and the canonical laws of the Sunni brand of Islam and are based on the Qur’an and the Sunnah of the Prophet (s.a.w.).Today, many radical Islamic groups raise the slogan of making the Shari’a the law of a new Islamic state.
30). Howard Schneider, “U.S. Aid Remakes Egypt,” Washington Post Foreign Service, 12/26/2000.
31). Ledenese Epistle, 1996, 1998.
32). Paddy Agnew, Irish Times, 11/15/1990,
33). The “Bin laden Brothers for Contracting and Industry,” is head quartered in Jiddahh, Saudi Arabia. However, Yeslam bin Laden heads up a portion of the group’s international activities in Geneva and Paris; Ali bin laden lives in Paris, and in the 1980s the bin Laden’s Saudi Arab Finance Corporation, was headquartered in Paris, and Salem bin Laden, as well as Saudis, Khalid Ben Mahfouz, Salam Ahmed Bogshan, Saad Khalil Al Bahjat, Taha Baksh, etc. were major shareholders of the Saudi Arab Finance Corporation which also controlled a number of other companies, and which are believed to have funneled money to various terror ist organizations. Saudi Sheikh Khalid bin Mahfouz, of the Saudi Arab Finance Corporation, has been discovered to have laundered money to finance terrorism and bin Laden’s terrorist organization.
34). Sheikh Khalid bin Mahfouz, is Osama Bin Laden’s Brother In Law, and like the bin Ladens, is also linked to George W. Bush. As deter mined following a U.S. audit of Saudi government finances, five of Saudi Arabia’s wealthiest businessmen, including National Commercial Bank (NBC) founder and chairman Khalid bin Mahfouz, transferred over $3 million dollars from a Saudi pension fund, to New York and London banks with accounts linked to terrorism (USA Today, 102899). NCB deposited the money into accounts of such Islamic charities as Islamic Relief — and Blessed Relief, where Abdul Rahman Mahfouz, Mahfouz’s son, serves on the board in Sudan, and Egyptians officials have charged that funds for supporting terrorism against Egypt has its source, in part, in the Sudan.
35). Ronald Motley, representing nine hundred families of the 9/11 victims, filed a trillion dollar lawsuit against members of the royal Saudi family, Saudi Sheikh Khalid bin Mahfouz as well as a number of Saudi banks and charities, charging them with financing Osama bin Laden and alQaeda. The lawsuit alleges that Saudi money has “for years been funneled to encourage radical antiAmericanism as well as to fund the Al Qaeda terrorists.”
36). As detailed by Ben Barber, The Washington Times, 5/7/2002, “The Saudi government gave $135 million in….16 months to” fund terrorism. The money goes to a list of 13 charities, and seven of them fund Hamas,” which the State Department lists as a terrorist organization. As detailed in The Washington Times, 8/24/2002, another Saudi charity, Al Haramain also uses “its funds to finance terrorism.
37). Kenneth Damm, the U.S. Deputy Secretary of Treasury testi fied in Congress, in May of 2002, that the Saudi-based AlHaramain Charity and a number of other Saudi-connected charities have abused its funds to finance terrorism.
38). Wall Street Journal, “Vetting the Frontrunners: From Oil to Baseball to the Governor’s Mansion,” 9/28/1999; Jonathan Beaty & S.C. Gwynne, “The Outlaw Bank: A Wild Ride Into the Secret Heart of BCCI,” Random House, 1993. See also, Wall Street Journal, 9/27/2001; Daniel Golden et al. “Bin Laden Family Could Profit From a Jump In Defense Spending Due to Ties to U.S. Bank,” Wall Street Journal, 9/27/2001.
39). Le Figaro, 10/31/2001; Charles Brisard & Guillaume Dasquie “Forbidden Truth: U.S.Taliban Secret Oil Diplomacy and the Failed Hunt for Bin Laden,” Avalon Books, 2002.
40). United States Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit Final Report of the Independent Counsel for Iran/Contra Matters Lawrence E. Welch, Independent Counsel, August 4, 1993, Washington D.C. Volume 1. Investigations and Prosecutions.
41). President’s Special Review Board, “The Tower Commission,” Bantam Books/Times Books, 1987.
42). Jonathan Marshall, Peter Dale Scott & Jane Hunter, “The Iran Contra Connection: Secret Teams and Covert Operations in the Reagan Era,” South End Press, 1987.
43). PBS Frontline, 2001; Al Martin, “Behind the Scenes in the Beltway.”
44). Gary Slick, “October Surprise: America’s Hostages in Iran and the Election of Ronald Reagan,” Random House, 1991.
45). William B. Quandt, “Saudi Arabia in the 1980s: Foreign Policy, Security, and Oil,” Brookings Institute, Washington, DC, 1981; Frank E. Vogel, “Islamic Law and Legal System: Studies of Saudi Arabia,” Brill Academic Publishers, 2000; A. M. Vasilev, Alexei Vassiliev, “The His tory of Saudi Arabia,” New York University Press, 2000.
46) The “Ikhwan,” or “Brotherhood,” is the military arm of Wahhabism. George H.W. Bush, and his son, George W. Bush, are both alumni of the “Brotherhood” the Brotherhood of Death, “Skull and Bones;” Webster G. Tarpley & Anton Chaitkin, “George Bush: The Unauthorized Biography,” The Executive Intelligence Review; Anthony Sutton, “America’s Secret Establishment: An introduction to The Order of Skull & Bones” Liberty House, New York. 1986; Ron Rosenbaum, “The Last Secrets of Skull and Bones,” Esquire Magazine, September, 1977.
47). Margaret Ramirez, “New Islamic Movement Seeks Latino Converts,” Los Angeles Times, 5/15/1999: James W. Blair Jr. “Islam in Latin America,” The Christian Science Monitor; Susan Ferriss, “Spanish Muslim mission grows in Mexico, Links to Mayan, Moorish roots sur vive centuries of oppression,” Cox Washington Bureau News Service, 8/ 12.2002; Stephen Magagnini, “A Matter of Faith: Islam is Fastest Growing Religion in the U.S.,” Sacramento Bee, 7/1/2001; Chris L. Jenkins, “Islam Luring More Latinos Prayers Offer a More Intimate Link to God,” Washington Post , 1/7/2001; “Islamic Da’wah Center of Brazil,” Sao Paulo, Safar /5/17/2001.
48). Deborah Kong, “Islam has Long and Resurging Presence in Hispanic Culture.” July, 2002.
49). Pobladores Usan Túnicas Y Turbantes: Descubren Pueblo Que No Figura En Mapa (see http://www.latinmuslims.com/ history/ pueblo.html).
50). Christopher Dickey, “With the Contras: A Reporter in the Wilds of Nicaragua, Henry Holt and Co., 1991; Robert Kagan, “A Twilight Struggle: American Power and Nicaragua, 19771990,” Simon & Schuster, 1996; Holly Sklar. “Washington’s War on Nicaragua,” South End Press, 1988; Gary Webb, “Dark Alliance: The CIA, The Contras, and the Crack Cocaine Explosion, Seven Stories Press, 1998; L. Francis Bouchey (editor), “The Real Secret War,” Council for Inter-American Security, 1987; Sam Dillon, “Comandos: The CIA and Nicaragua’s Contra Rebels;” Scott Armstrong (Editor), “The National Security Archive, The Chronology: The Documented Day by Day Account of the Secret Military Assistance to Iran and the Contras,” Warner Books, 1987.
51). Robert Kagan, “A Twilight Struggle: American Power and Nicaragua, 19771990,” Simon & Schuster, 1996; Holly Sklar. “Washington’s War on Nicaragua,” South End Press, 1988.
52). National Security Archive Electronic Briefing Book No. 27, Washington, DC.: This document and a State Department funded investigation in 1986 and 1987 details repeated instances of the murder or torture of prisoners by the Nicaraguan contras as CIA agents watched or “turned the other way.”
53). Adolf Hitler, “Mein Kampf.”
54). “Psychological Operations in Guerrilla Warfare.”
55). Sam Dillon, “Comandos: The CIA and Nicaragua’s Contra Rebels.” Peter Kornbluh and Malcolm Byrne, “The Iran Contra Scandal: The Declassified History. A National Security Archive Documents Reader,” W.W. Norton & Co.
56). National Security Decision Directive (NSDD) 138 was signed by Ronald Reagan on April 3, 1984. Although much of it remains classified, this NSDD, authorized both the CIA and the Federal Bureau of Investigation to form covert operations teams and to use military special operations forces to conduct guerrilla-style terrorist acts and preemptive operations, retaliation, expanded intelligence collection, sabotage and when necessary, killing of guerrillas in “preemptive” self-defense. States that sponsored “terrorists,” were targeted for these operations including Iran, Libya, Syria, Cuba, North Korea, Nicaragua and the Soviet Union. Other unnumbered NSDD issued in November 1984, shields these teams authorized by NSDD 138 from legal action under U.S. law if they were acting in “good faith,” as long as the teams were engaged in authorized anti-terror operations. The NSDD also provided funds of recruiting and training indigenous “preemptive self-defense teams.” In one attack, 80 civilians were murdered. An unnumbered NSDD) signed on 11/13/194, Nov. 13, 1984 provides carte blanche exemption from U.S. legal proceedings for operatives engaged in anti-terrorist activities outside the U.S. Murder, if conducted in “good faith” was legalized.
57). The Boland Amendment to the War Powers Act of 1973. Passed December 8, 1982, 1984.
58). Gary Webb, “Dark Alliance: The CIA, The Contras, and the Crack Cocaine Explosion,” Seven Stories Press, 1998.
59). The Washington Post, 11/11/1986.
60). Scott Armstrong (Editor), “The National Security Archive, The Chronology: The Documented DaybyDay Account of the Secret Military Assistance to Iran and the Contras,” Warner Books, 1987.
61). As reported in the Tower Commission Report (41) “Craig Fuller Memorandum,” July 30, 1986: “SUMMARY. Mr. Nir indicated that he had briefed Prime Minister Peres and had been asked to brief the V[ice] P[resident] by his White House contacts. He described the details of the efforts from last year through the current period to gain the release of the U.S. hostages. He reviewed what had been learned which was essentially that the radical group was the group that could deliver. He reviewed the issues to be considered—namely that there needed to be ad [sic] decision as to whether the items requested would be delivered in separate shipments or whether we would continue to press for the release of the hostages prior to delivering the items in an amount agreed to previously. 2. The VP’s 25 minute meeting was arranged after Mr. Nir called Craig Fuller and requested the meeting and after it was discussed with the VP by Fuller and North…. 14. Nir described some of the lessons learned: `We are dealing with the most radical elements…. They can deliver … that’s for sure….they can deliver and the moderates can’t.”
62). The CIA was responsible for organizing a 500 member “interdiction force” to train, arm, support, and advise the Contras. The agency established a base of operations for its Central American Task Force in Honduras, and by 1983 was spending $45 million to sustain 7,000 Contras.
63). Mansour Farhang, “The IranIsrael Connection,” in Abbas Alnasrawi and Cheryl Rubenberg, “Consistency of U.S. Foreign Policy: The Gulf War and the IranContra Affair,” Belmont, MA: AAUG, 1989.
64). Anthony H. Cordesman,” The IranIraq War and Western Security, 198487,” Jane’s Publishing Co., 1987; Mansour Farhang, “The Iran-Iraq War: The Feud, the Tragedy, the Spoils,” World Policy Journal, vol. 2, Fall 1985; Cordesman, “Iran-Iraq War,” Center for Strategic and International Studies, October 2000; John W. Amos II, “The Iraq-Iran War: Conflict, Linkage, and Spillover in the Middle East,” in Robert G. Darius, et al., “Gulf Security into the 1980s: Perceptual and Strategic Dimensions,” Hoover Institution Press, 1984.
65). Genesis 15:18 “On that day the LORD made a covenant with Abram and said, “To your descendants I give this land, from the river [ 15:18 Or [ Wadi ] ] of Egypt to the great river, the Euphrates.
66). Robert G. Darius, John W. Amos II, Ralph H.Magnus, (Editors) “Gulf Security into the 1980s: Perceptual and Strategic Dimensions,” Hoover Institution Press, 1984; Harold Brown, “Thinking About National Security,” Westview, 1983; Michael Renner, “Restructuring the World Energy Industry,” MERIP Reports, no. 120, 1/1984; William B. Quandt, “Saudi Arabia in the 1980s: Foreign Policy, Security, and Oil,” Brookings Institute, 1981.
67). Mansour Farhang, “The Iran-Iraq War: The Feud, the Tragedy, the Spoils,” World Policy Journal, vol. 2, Fall 1985.
68). Charles Tripp, “A History of Iraq,” Cambridge Univ Press, 2000.
69). Israel provided Iran with logistics support, to assist them in destroying Iraq’s newly constructed nuclear reactor. Iran launched an unsuccessful attack on the Iraqi Osirak nuclear reactor on 9/30/1980. On 6/7/1981 Israel initiated an air attack on the same Iraqi Osirak reactor, destroying it.
70). Leslie H. Gelb, “Iran Said to Get Large Scale Arms From Israel, Soviet and Europeans,” New York Times, 3/8/1982; Cordesman, “Iran Iraq War;” Benjamin BeitH allahmi, “The Israeli Connection: Who Israel Arms and Why,” Pantheon, 1987.
71). Zbigniew Brzezinski, “Power and Principle,” Farrar, Straus, Giroux, 1987.
72). Robert O. Freedman, “Soviet Policy Toward the Persian Gulf from the Outbreak of the Iran-Iraq War to the Death of Konstantin Chernenko,” in W. J. Olson (Editor) “U.S. Strategic Interests in the Gulf Region,” Westview, 1987.
73). Joe Stork & Martha Wenger, “U.S. Ready to Intervene in the Gulf War,” MERIP Reports, nos. 125/126, July-Sept. 1984.
74). Federation of American Scientists, Military Analysis Network, “Iran-Iraq War (19801988),” 1999; Francis V. Xavier “Lessons Learned: Iran-Iraq War,” Marine Corps Historical Publication, FMFRP, 0, 12/1990.
75). Gary Sick, “Failure and Danger in the Gulf,” New York Times, 7/6/1988.
76). David R. Carlson, “The ‘Vicennes’ Incident,” proceedings, U.S. Naval Institute, 9/1989.
77). Federation of American Scientists, Military Analysis Network, “Iran-Iraq War (19801988),” 1999.