Eleven years later, George W. Bush was terrified. Nixon was about to be impeached for the cover-up of Watergate, and it had been revealed that Nixon had tape-recorded his own White House conversations. Among the incriminating remarks made on the White House tapes, were comments about the “Texans,” the “Cubans” and “the Bay of Pigs.”
According to Haldeman (72) Nixon’s chief of staff (31), Nixon always used code words when talking about the 1963 murder of Kennedy, referring to the assassination as “the Bay of Pigs.”
In that same tape (31), Nixon also discussed Robert Mosbacher, George Bush’s partner. The “Texans” were most likely George Bush, Robert Mosbacher and Jim Baker. The “Cubans” some suspect, is a reference to the men who assassinated Kennedy, i.e. the “Bay of Pigs.”
Watergate burglar E. Howard Hunt, was a CIA-operative, linked to the “Cubans,” the “Bay of Pigs,” the assassination of Kennedy, and to George H.W. Bush. In fact, four other Watergate burglars were also associated with the CIA and the anti-Castro movement, including Mr. Martinez who was still on a CIA retainer at the time of the burglary (31).
When Martinez was questioned by judge Sirica, Martinez said, “When it comes to Cuba and when it comes to Communist conspiracies involving the United States, I will do anything to protect this country against any Communist conspiracy” (31).
In 1961, George Bush (despite his denials) was a CIA-operative (73), and was linked to E. Howard Hunt (30), the “Cubans” and the “Bay of Pigs” (30,73), and the assassination of President Kennedy (73).
As noted, acting FBI director Gray, destroyed the files taken from the White House safe of Howard Hunt after he was warned they were “political dynamite” and should “never see the light of day.” Some of those files pertained directly to President Kennedy
When the Supreme Court ruled against Nixon, and he had been ordered to turn over his secret White House tapes, George Bush was so scared that others in the Nixon White House had wryly remarked that Bush had “turned into assholes and shit himself to death” (74).
George W. Bush had a lot of reasons to “shit” his pants.
For one, there was the problem involving Watergate burglar E. Howard Hunt, the CIA operative who some believed played a role in Kennedy’s assassination (75). Hunt was a member of the White House “plumbers,” the secret team assembled to perform a number of covert and illegal services for the Republicans (29).
Hunt’s phone number was found in the address book belonging to one of the Watergate burglars (31). It was this phone number which enabled reporters and investigators to link the break-in to President Nixon and his reelection campaign. Later it was discovered that Hunt and another former CIA operative, Gordon Liddy, were at the scene and directing the burglary (31).
Hunt, after his arrest, was issuing a thinly veiled threat to talk and spill his guts to Congressional investigators unless he received hush money (31). Hunt was immediately given $75,000.
As detailed by Bernstein and Woodward (31): “the covert activities” the Nixon White House was seeking to cover up, “involve the whole U.S. intelligence community…The cover up was mainly to protect the covert operations. The president, himself, has been blackmailed.”
What would Hunt talk about that warranted an immediate payoff?
Three years after Watergate, Hunt was accused in an article published by the Liberty Lobby, a conservative, right wing organization, of being linked to the Kennedy assassination (75). Just as Hunt had been at the Watergate directing the burglary, it was being suggesting that Hunt was in Dallas on the day of the shooting.(31).
Hunt sued in Federal Court, and lost an appeal in 1985.
The forewoman of the jury said that she and the jury believed that the CIA had killed the president, and that Hunt had played a role in the assassination.
Indeed, Hunt had been playing a role in the assassination and overthrow of democratically elected leaders and presidents, since the 1950s (35,76). After his first successful mission, against the democratically elected president of Guatemala in 1953, Hunt admitted that the real reason for the coup had little to do with communism, and that he had been fooled into serving the interests of Wall Street and the Dulles clan. “I felt a little bit betrayed when I learned that, because I thought, ‘Hey, you know, I’m working for the United States of America, I’m not a hireling for United Fruit.’ But I went ahead with my assigned tasks in any case, and if United Fruit benefited from it, that was part of the set game” (76).
One of Hunt’s next major missions was Cuba.” I was yanked back from [where I was stationed in] Montevideo…and told: ‘What we’re doing is reassembling the OPB Success’ team’—that is, the Guatemala operational team — ‘to take care of Castro.’ My role was very similar to what it had been in the Guatemalan project; I was located down here in Miami, in Coconut Grove; I was equipped with a safe house. And by that time, several hundred thousand Cuban exiles had come over here and made their home here. President Ydigoras Fuentes of Guatemala was good enough to give our Cuban exiles a training area in two training areas in his country…”
And then the “Bay of Pigs “fiasco, which left Hunt, the Cuban exiles, and the CIA fuming and enraged at Kennedy.
Notable in Hunt’s interview with CNN are his remarks regarding CIA “training areas” in South America.
Two formerly secret documents, “FBI, Operation Condor Cable,” dated, 9/28/1975, and “FBI, Operation Condor Cable,” dated 9/28/1976, detail how U.S. intelligence agencies oversee and coordinate a network of Chilean, Argentinean and Paraguayan secret police agencies which provide “special teams” trained by the CIA, and which travel “anywhere in the world… to carry out assassinations,” including the assassination of political opponents in the United States.
One of the teams of Cuban exiles that were to attack Cuba, had receiving special training in South America. Many of these individuals were then flown to south Florida where they waited for the signal to attack.
Like E. Howard Hunt, many of these individuals came to the conclusion that they had been betrayed by Kennedy.
One year after Hunt’s CNN interview (76) detailed above, former CIA officer Victor Marchetti alleged in the August 14,1978 edition of The Spotlight, a Washington newspaper, that “some of the figures in the [Kennedy assassination] conspiracy” included “Howard Hunt, Gerry Hemming, a long-time Cuba mercenary, and Frank Sturgis, one of Hunt’s fellow Watergate burglars.” In that same article, it was alleged that George Bush also played a role in the Kennedy assassination and it was suggested that the link was Hunt and the Cubans who had been trained for the failed Bay of Pigs invasion of Cuba.
These allegations, of course came after Watergate and the fall of Nixon. In 1974, at the height of the Watergate investigation, George H.W. Bush was faced with the possibility that the entire damn might break and that the avalanche of material that might be uncovered could bury him alive.
Bush was so frightened, he “broke out into assholes and shit himself to death.”
If Nixon was impeached, the investigation would follow the money trail, the Bay of Pigs trail, the E. Howard Hunt trail, the Kennedy trail, and it might lead to George H.W. Bush.
In 1959 George W. Bush began running his Zapata oil company from a headquarters in Houston. He also spent a lot of time in Louisiana and Florida, where Zapata was drilling off shore, for oil.
That same year, Dulles began preparing for the coming invasion of Cuba, and a major part of the operation was being run out of Guatemala and South Florida—Bush country.
In a briefing to President Kennedy in the Cabinet Room on March 29, 1961, Richard Bissell of the CIA, mentioned that the CIA code name for the Bay of Pigs invasion was “Operation Zapata”
Seven landing craft and support ships were used in the Bay of Pigs invasion. One was named “Houston” and another, “Barbara” (78)—which coincidentally is the name of Bush’s wife. Houston, of course, was the headquarters of Bush’s Zapata oil company.
Coincidences, of course.
Bush was also working for the CIA at this time, and, as noted, was spending a lot of time in south Florida.
According to Joseph McBride of The Nation (73),”a source with close connections to the intelligence community confirms that Bush started working for the agency in 1960 or 1961, using his oil business as a cover for clandestine activities.”
We do not know with 100% certainty if Bush played a role in the Bay of Pigs fiasco. However, we do know that E. Howard Hunt was a Bay of Pigs veteran CIA operative. So too was Watergate burglar, Frank Sturgis.
The official CIA name for the Bay of Pigs invasion, was known as “JM/WAVE.” Even after the Bay of Pigs “JM/WAVE became a continuing and extended Miami operation, the CIA’s largest in the continental United States” (41).
Many of those who had trained for the invasion, were trained in South America in the same camps where “special teams” trained by the CIA, are sent “anywhere in the world… to carry out assassinations,” including the assassination of political leaders (63).
Likewise, just as E. Howard Hunt was seething with rage against Kennedy, so too were many in the Cuban exile community who wanted revenge for the death of their friends, comrades, brothers, sons and fathers, on the beaches of Cuba. They all blamed Kennedy and many wanted to kill him.
Their hatred was inflamed even further when, in 1962 Kennedy shut down a CIA program that was preparing for another invasion (Operation Mongoose). The crack down on Cuban exiles continued into 1963 with Kennedy shutting down their paramilitary training camps in Louisiana and Florida—both locations also being states where Bush was doing business.
Many of these men were linked not just to the CIA, but to George H.W. Bush. As pointed out by Georgie A. Geyer (81), “an entire new Cuban cadre emerged from the Bay of Pigs. The names Howard Hunt, Bernard Barker, Rolando Martinez, Felix Rodriguez and Eugenio Martinez would, in the next quarter century, pop up, often decisively, over and over again in the most dangerous American foreign policy crises. There were Cubans flying missions for the CIA in the Congo and even for the Portuguese in Africa; Cubans were the burglars of Watergate; Cubans played key roles in Nicaragua, in Irangate, in the American move into the Persian Gulf.”
Cubans everywhere, and all working for the CIA in operations linked to George Bush. And not just Cubans, but CIA operative, E. Howard Hunt who was linked to assassination of Kennedy, and who, following his arrest as a Watergate burglar, was threatening to talk.
Hunt was implicated in the Kennedy assassination, Cubans trained by the CIA were suspected of involvement, and so to was George Bush.
Consider, for example, a secret FBI memo, written by FBI director Hoover which had been accidentally released (79). In that memo (dated 11/29/63) it is stated that “George Bush of the CIA” was being kept informed about the Warren Commission investigation and the assassination of Kennedy as it pertained to the Cuban exile community and any forthcoming attack on Cuba (79). The substance of the letter, is that “George W. Bush of the CIA” was in some way linked with the anti-Castro groups in Florida, which were in turn linked to Hunt and the assassination of Kennedy.
Hunt was still seething about Kennedy and the debacle in Cuba 10 years later, and both Hunt and Sturgis are alleged to have been in Dallas on the day of Kennedy’s assassination.
As noted, Hunt was even accused of being involved in the Kennedy assassination by a CIA agent, in an article that appeared in a magazine published by Liberty Lobby. Hunt sued in Federal Court for defamation and lost.
The CIA was so alarmed by these allegations that the “Commission on CIA Activities Within the United States” (the Rockefeller Commission) sought to refute them in its 1975 report (80).
The Rockefellers and Bush family had been in business together for decades, and Bush was a CIA agent in 1960, and later became director of the CIA—the same CIA whose agents were implicated in the assassination of Kennedy, and the same CIA whose director had been fired by Kennedy and who then sat on the Warren Commission which served largely as a vehicle to cover up the crime.
According to an article written by Joseph McBride and published in the July 1988 issue of The Nation, Bush was involved in the Kennedy assassination. McBride’s source observed: “I know [Bush] was involved in the Caribbean [Bay of Pigs] I know he was involved in the suppression of things after the Kennedy assassination.”
On March 8, 1974, as cries for Nixon’s impeachment grew ever louder, George H.W. Bush, chairman of the Republican National Committee, began making frantic phone calls. He “was having trouble keeping the party professionals in line” (74). An impeachment vote was becoming a certainty, and who knows where the investigation might lead.
“What in the world do we do now?” asked Bush. Bush was panicking, threatening to pack up and run (74). Finally, Bush and friends, including Republicans in congress, began suggesting that Nixon should resign in order to put a stop to any impeachment investigation.
Party loyalists, however, were outraged by the idea (74). Of course, most did not realize that it was not just Nixon’s Presidency which was at stake, but the reputations and lives of those whose dirty secrets would be exposed if congress voted for impeachment.
What was not yet clear, however, was if there were enough votes for impeachment. It all depended on what Nixon may or may not have said on the tapes he secretly made of his own conversations in the White House.
And then the transcripts of the tapes were ordered released after a protracted court fight. The Nixon team began making transcripts of the tapes, including one that sent Bush and others into paroxysms of fear.
Somebody asked John Dean, Nixon’s counsel, “Does Bush know about the transcript yet?
“Well, what did he do?”
“He broke out into assholes and shit himself to death” was the reply (74).
What was on the tape?
The media referred to it as the “smoking gun.”
Nixon had taped himself, on June 23,1972, discussing with his Chief of Staff, H.R. Haldeman, how best to stop the FBI investigation into the CIA-Watergate burglary. They were worried the investigation would expose their connection to “the Bay of Pigs thing.”
According to Haldeman, in his book “The Ends of Power”, Nixon always used code words when talking about the 1963 murder of Kennedy, referring to the assassination as “the Bay of Pigs.”
In that same tape, Nixon also discussed Robert Mosbacher, George Bush’s partner. He also referred repeatedly to the “Cubans” and the “Texans.” The “Texans” being George Bush, Jim Baker, and Robert Mosbacher.
Yet another tape was even more incriminating. It contained an 18-minute gap. Six court-appointed electronics experts said that the gap was created after the tape had been erased and erased yet again, five separate times.
An impeachment inquiry would certainly lead to a lot of questions, that Bush and friends would prefer not be asked.
Bush was almost dumb with fear.
It was clear Nixon would be impeached. Who knows what might be revealed if the impeachment hearings became wide ranging and delved into other the crimes committed by the White House and Nixon’s associates?
An investigation would result in the opening up of a flood gates of crimes and treasonable acts committed by officials in the CIA, FBI, and the Republican Party. Everything having to do with the “Bay of Pigs,” the “Cubans” the “Texans” might come to light.
No wonder Bush “broke out into assholes and shit himself to death.”
Bush was terrified, almost dumb with fear. The situation was deteriorating. A lot of people were in a panic. They simply could not allow an impeachment investigation to proceed.
Either Nixon would have to die, or he would have to resign.
Frantic meetings were held. Emissaries were sent to consult with Nixon who was already being blackmailed (31). The horrible consequences of an impeachment investigation were explained.
On August 9, 1974, Richard Nixon resigned.
He was then pardoned by his hand-picked successor, Gerald Ford—former Warren Commissioner.
By pardoning Nixon, Ford insured that there would be no investigation.
After Ford became president, Rockefeller was chosen to be the new Vice-President. George Bush would become director of the CIA.
As to E. Howard Hunt, he would spend 33 months in prison. The cover-up was a success.
The Dulles-Bush-Rockefeller gang, had won again.
1). John Loftus and Mark Aarons. “The Secret War Against The Jews” St. Martins Press, New York, 1994;
2). Anthony Sutton, “Wall Street and the Rise of Hitler,” Charles Higham, ‘Trading with the Enemy: An Expose of the Nazi-American Money Plot 1933-1949,” Delacorte Press, 1983; Christopher Simpson, “The Splendid Blond Beast.”
3). The Dulles family believed themselves to be of royal blood, claiming they could ” trace its ancestry to Charlemagne” (New York Times 5/25/ 1959 ). The Dulles family had also been intimately involved in American politics since the 1800s, and were not just influential but rich. John Watson Foster, the Dulles brother’s grandfather, became a brigadier general in the Civil War, United States Minister to Mexico and Russia, Secretary of State under President Benjamin Harrison, and amassed a huge fortune. The Dulles brothers first sought access to the White House in 1940, supporting a Republican lawyer for the “mob,” Thomas E. Dewey, for President. Dewey lost the nomination to Wendell L. Willkie in 1940 (who in turn lost to Roosevelt). Dewey again sought the Presidency, with Dulles acting as his chief advisor, but lost to Roosevelt in 1944 and then again in 1948, when he lost to Truman. Dewey became governor of New York.
4). Allen Dulles, “From Hitler’s Doorstep: The Wartime Intelligence Reports of Allen Dulles, 1942-1945,” Pennsylvania State Univ Press, 1996; Allen Dulles, “The Secret Surrender.”
5). BBC News, 9/17/2001; UPI9/20/2000; National Archives, 9/17/2001; Charles Higham, “American Swastika: The Shocking Story of Nazi Collaborators in Our Midst from 1933 to the Present Day,” Doubleday, 1985.
6). Burton Hersh, “The Old Boys: The American Elite and the Origins of the CIA,” Tree Farm Books, 2001.
7). Heinz Hohne. The Order of the Death’s Head.” Ballantine, New York. 1967.
8). J. Toland. “Adolf Hitler,” Doubleday, New York, 1976; W. L. S hirer. “The Rise & Fall of the Third Reich.” Fawcett World Library, New York, 1960.
9). Anthony Sutton, “America’s Secret Establishment: An introduction to The Order of Skull & Bones” Liberty House, New York. 1986; Ron Rosenbaum, “The Last Secrets of Skull and Bones,” Esquire Magazine, September, 1977; Peggy Alder-Robohm, “Skull and Bones—Bush’s Boy’s Club,” Covert Action Quarterly No. 33, 1990; John Schrag, “Skeleton in His Closet,” Willamette Week, September 19-25,1991; David W. Dunlap, “Yale Society Resists Peeks Into Its Crypt,” New York Times, 11/4/88.
10). Christopher Simpson, “Blowback.”
11). National Archives, 9/17/2001; UPI9/20/2000.
12). T. H. Tetens, “The New Germany and the Old Nazis.”
13). Audrey R. Kahin, George McT Kahin, “Subversion As Foreign Policy: The Secret Eisenhower and Dulles Debacle in Indonesia;” University of Washington Press, 1997; Vitaly, Syrokomsky, “International Terrorism and the CIA: Documents, Eyewitness Reports, Facts,” Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1983; James A. Bill,” The Eagle and the Lion: The Tragedy of American-Iranian Relations,”Yale University Press, 1988; R. Harris Smith, “OSS: The Secret History of America’s First Central Intelligence Agency,” University of California Press, 1972; Fletcher Prouty, “The Secret Team: The CIA and Its Allies in Control of the U.S. and the World,” Prentice Hall, 1973; Jonathan Kwitney, “The Crimes of Patriots: A True Tale of Dope, Dirty Money & the CIA,” WW Norton, 1987; Rodney Stich, “Defrauding America: A Partem Of Related Scandals — Dirty Secrets Of The CIA And Other Government Operations,” Diablo Western Press, 1993; William Blum, “Killing Hope: US Military and CIA Intervention Since WWII,” Common Courage Press, 1995; Report to the President by the Commission on CIA Activities Within the United States, Washington, DC. 1975.
14). R. Harris Smith, “OSS: The Secret History of America’s First Central Intelligence Agency,” University of California Press, 1972.
15). The Central Intelligence Agency Act, 1949. United States Congress.
16). John Stockwell, “The Secret Wars of the CIA.” Speech given on 10/10/1987.
17). Richard Milhous Nixon, “The Memoirs of Richard Nixon,” Richard Nixon Library Editions, 1990.
18). Russell Bowen, “The Immaculate Deception;” Charles Higham, “American Swastika: The Shocking Story of Nazi Collaborators in Our Midst from 1933 to the Present Day,” Doubleday, 1985; T. H. Tetens, “The New Germany and the Old Nazis;” Christopher Simpson, “Blowback;” Robert J. Groden & Harrison Edward Livingstone, “High Treason.”
19). Robert J. Groden & Harrison Edward Livingstone, “High Treason.”
20). James Petras & Morris Morley, “The United States and Chile: Imperialism and the Overthrow of the Allende Government,” Monthly Review Press, 1975.
21). Regis Debray, “The Chilean Revolution: Conversations with Allende,” Pantheon, 1972; PaulM. Sweezy, “Revolution andCounter-Revo-lution in Chile,” Monthly Review Press, 1974.
22). Tim Weiner, “How the CIA Took Aim at Allende,” New York Times, 9/12/1998; Paul M. Sweezy, “Revolution and Counter-Revolution in Chile,” Monthly Review Press, 1974.
23). Miguel Gonzalez Pino, et al., “Los mil dias de Allende II,” Santiago, Chile: Centro de Estudios Poeblicos, 1997.
24). Gonzalez Pino, “Allende concita atenci—n de la prensa mundial,” LaTarde, 9/7/1970.
25). “CIA plot against Allende: Operating guidance cable,” 10/16/ 1970. “CIA, Operating Guidance Cable on Coup Plotting, October 16,1970.” In this cable, Thomas Karamessines, CIA deputy director, conveys Kissinger’s orders to Henry Hecksher, CIA station chief in Santiago, and includes the following statements: “It is firm and continuing policy that Allende be overthrown by a coup.” The “operating guidance” is to hide the “American hand.” The CIA is instructed to ignore any orders which are not consistent with this guidance cable. “CIA, Memorandum of Conversation of Meeting with Henry Kissinger, Thomas Karamessines, and Alexander Haig, October 15,1970.” This Memorandum includes a discussion of covert plans promoting a coup in Chile, and the overthrow of Allende, known as “Track II.” Kissinger orders the CIA to “continue keeping the pressure on every Allende weak spot in sight.”
26). Robinson Rojas Sandford, “The Murder of Allende and the End of the Chilean Way of Socialism,” Harper & Row, 1976; Paul M. Sweezy, “Revolution and Counter-Revolution in Chile,” Monthly Review Press, 1974.
27). Department of State, “Chilean Executions,” Memo, 11/16/1973; Tim Weiner, “How the CIA Took Aim at Allende,” New York Times, 9/12/ 1998; Thomas Hauser, Missing: The Execution of Charles Horman,” Simon & Schuster, 1983; Thomas C. Wright & Rody Onate, eds., Flight from Chile : Voices of Exile,” University of New Mexico Press, 1998; FBI Report to Chilean Military on Detainee, 6/6/1975.
28). Department of State, “Kubisch-Huerta Meeting: Request for Specific Replies to Previous Questions on Horman and Teraggi Cases,” 2/ 11/1974; “FBI Report to Chilean Military on Detainee,” 6/6/1975 – This 1975 document, sent by FBI attache Robert Scherrer to Chilean General Ernesto Baeza, records U.S. collaboration with Chile’s security forces. The CIA promises to provide surveillance of Chilean citizens and other sympathizers inside the United States. This document also describes “Operation Condor.” Condor was actually a network of secret police agencies in Argentina, Paraguay, Venezuela, Nicaragua, and Chile, who were coordinated by the CIA for the purposes of tracking, capturing, torturing, and killing dissidents, including those inside the United States, and including the citizens of other countries. “FBI, Operation Condor Cable,” 9/28/1976 – This cable was written also written Robert Scherrer, the FBI’s attache in Buenos Aires. This cable summarizes intelligence information and details Operation Condor, the joint intelligence operation designed to “eliminate Marxist terrorist activities in the area.” The cable goes on to provide information about “special teams” which travel “anywhere in the world… to carry out assassination against terrorists or supporters of terrorist organizations.”
29). John Dean, “Blind Ambition: The White House Years,” Simon & Schuster, 1976; Elizabeth Drew, “Washington Journal: The Events of 1973-1974,” Macmillan, 1984; Carl Bernstein & Bob Woodward, “All the President’s Men,” Simon & Schuster, 1974; Theodore H. White, “Breach of Faith: The Fall of Richard Nixon,” Atheneum-Reader’s Digest, 1975.
30). Webster G. Tarpley & Anton Chaitkin, “George Bush: The Unauthorized Biography,” The Executive Intelligence Review.
31). Carl Bernstein & Bob Woodward, “All the President’s Men,” Simon & Schuster, 1974.
32). James A. Bill, “The Eagle and the Lion: The Tragedy of American-Iranian Relations.” Yale University Press, 1988.
33). Rockefeller, and his clone, Henry Kissinger, also played a role in the downfall of the Shah, in 1978 and the subsequent Iranian hostage crises which resulted. The Shah was a hated, brutal, dictators, and it was the job of his secret police, SAVAK, to keep the rabble terrorized and under control. But it was precisely because of his despotic rule that the Iranian people increasingly rebelled, and then welcomed the return of Iran’s spiritual leader, the Ayatollah Khomeni. As more and more riots broke out, the Rockefeller and the Rockefeller owned, Chase Manhattan bank (which had loaned the Shah incredible sums of money, pressured the CIA which pressured SAVAK to employ increasingly horrific measures which finally trigged the Iranian revolution. The synthesis of this Hegelian dialectic was that Rockefeller and Chase Manhattan Bank came out ahead of the game and with more money that if the Shah had stayed in power. As detailed by James Brill (23), after the revolution, private policy makers such as Kissinger and Rockefeller managed one last scam. Chase Manhattan Bank appealed to the U.S. government and the courts, claiming that the new Iranian government might withdraw their funds from the bank and repudiate the shah’s loans. Rockefeller/Chase was demanding that it be awarded all Iranian assets, which was far and beyond what was owed. The new Iranian government pledged to repay those loans. The new Iranian government, however, also demanded the return of property and funds stolen by the Shah, and that the Shah—who was in exile in another country, be returned to Iran. Kissinger and Rockefeller figured they had nothing to lose and everything to gain if they could provoke a crisis. They began lobbying Washington for the admission of the Shah into the U.S. and their wishes were granted. This resulted in the Iranian takeover of the U.S. embassy, the hostage crisis, the freezing of Iranian assets, and a declaration of default by Chase which allowed Chase to seize Iranian assets to offset the loans. In the end, the Iranian-hostage the crisis clearly benefited the American banking community.”
34). Stephen Shlesinger & Stephen Kinzer, “Bitter Fruit: the Untold Story of the American Coup in Guatemala,” Anchor Press, 1990.
35). Stacy May & Galo Plaza, “The United Fruit Company in Latin America,” Washington, National Planning Association, 1957; Alejandra Batres, “The Experience of the Guatemalan United Fruit Company Workers, 1944-1954: Why Did They Fail?” Texas Papers on Latin America, Paper No. 95-01, University of Texas at Austin, 1995; Paul Dosal, “Doing Business with the Dictators : a Political History of United Fruit in Guatemala, 1899-1944,” SR Books, 1993; Thomas, McCann, “An American Company: the Tragedy of United Fruit,” Crown, 1976. CIA operative, E. Howard Hunt, who played a major role in the overthrow of Jacobo Arbenz in Guatemala, later told that “I felt a little bit betrayed when I learned that… the reason [for the overthrow] was because Thomas Corcoran, the famous lobbyist working for the United Fruit Company, had persuaded Eisenhower and some other high dignitaries to do something about it. I thought, ‘Hey, you know, I’m working for the United States of America, I’m not a hireling for United Fruit.’”
36). Jay Mallin, “Fulgencio Batista: Ousted Cuban Dictator,” Story House Corp, 1974; Marifeli Perez-Stable, “The Cuban Revolution: Origins, Course, and Legacy,” Oxford University Press, 1998.
37). Ernesto Che Guevara, “Episodes of the Cuban Revolutionary War 1956-58,” Pathfinder Press, 1996. Julia E. Sweig, “Inside the Cuban Revolution: Fidel Castro and the Urban Underground,” Harvard Univ Press,
38). Syrokomsky, Vitaly, “International Terrorism and the CIA: Documents, Eyewitness Reports, Facts,” Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1983.
39). Peter Kombluh (Editor), “Bay of Pigs Declassified: The Secret CIA Report on the Invasion of Cuba, National Security Archive Documents Reader,” New Press, 1998; James G. Blight & Peter Kornbluh (Editors), “Politics of Illusion: The Bay of Pigs Invasion Reexamined,” Lynne Rienner Publishers, 1998.
40). Marifeli Perez-Stable, “The Cuban Revolution: Origins, Course, and Legacy,” Oxford University Press, 1998.
41). Donald Freed, “Death in Washington,” Westport Press, 1980.
42. The “Stab in the Back” was a term used by Hitler and the Nazis to explain Germany’s surrender in WWI. Hitler blamed communists and the new democratic leadership which had assumed power in Germany.
43). E. Howard Hunt, “Give Us This Day,” New Rochelle: Arlington House, 1973.
44). Graham T. Allison, Philip Zelikow, “Essence of Decision: Explaining the Cuban M issile Crisis;” Michael R. B eschloss, The Crisis Years: Kennedy and Khrushchev, 1960-63,” Edward Burlingame Books, 1991.
45). John Bartlow Martin, “Third Oral History Interview with Robert F. Kennedy,” 4/30/64. John F. Kennedy Library; John M. Newman, “JFK and Vietnam: Deception, Intrigue, And The Struggle For Power.”
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47). Archimedes Patti, “Why Viet Nam? Prelude to America’s Albatross. Berkeley,” University of California Press, 1980; Surveillant, “A chronological account — from 1945 to 1962 — of the decisions that led to America’s military commitment in Vietnam.”
48). Anderson, David L. “J. Lawton Collins, John Foster Dulles, and the Eisenhower Administration’s Point of No Return in Vietnam.” Diplomatic History, 12,127-147,1988.
49). Gibbons, William C. “The U.S. Government and the Vietnam War: Executive and Legislative Roles and Relationships,” Princeton University Press, 1986-1989.
50). Morrow, Robert D. “Betrayal,” Henry Regnery Company, 1976; Warren Hinckle & William Turner, “Deadly Secrets: The CIA-Mafia War Against Castro and the Assassination of J.F.K.” Thunder’s Mouth, 1992; Robert Groden & Harrison Livingstone. “High Treason: The Assassination of John F. Kennedy and the New Evidence of Conspiracy,” Berkley Books, 1989.
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52). “Report of the Warren Commission on the Assassination of President Kennedy.” Bantam. 1964.
53). Madeleine Brown, “Texas In The Morning.”
54). Robert Grogen. “The Killing of a President: The Complete Photographic Record of the JFK Assassination, the Coaspiraey, and the Cover-up. New York: Viking Studio Books. 1994: Robert Grogen. The Search for Lee Harvey Oswald: The Complete Photographic Record.” Penguin Studio. 1995.
55) Several independent experts, including Vincent Salandria. Professor Josiah Thompson and Ray Marcus, have argued that the “third” shot, which struck Kennedy in the head, was actually two nearly simultaneous shots, one coming from the right front (the grassy knoll) and the other from the rear. In large part this argument is based on Vincent Salandria’s “Head Movement Theory” (Esquire. 12/1966) i.e. that the sudden and different movements of Kennedy’s head—which are apparent when a frame by frame analysis of the Zapruder film of the assassination— are due to two almost simultaneous bullets striking his head. Thus the third shot was really a third and fourth shot. This explanation is also consistent with the large number of witnesses who heard seven or eight shots. Aclose analysis of the Zapruder film which captured the entire assassination, shows Kennedy reaching up toward his throat, and then we see an explosion of red mushrooming from the right which is then followed, almost immediately, by the explosion of the back of Kennedy’s head as his skull and portioas of his brain are splashed onto the back of his limousine. We also see his head being thrown back— which is consistent with Newton’s second law of motion—i.e. that an object struck by a projectile will be driven in the same direction as that of the projectile. Likewise, it is clear from the Zapruder film that the bullet struck the right temporal region of his head. It is also evident from autopsy photos that the right temporal injury is rather small, whereas the left parietal injur)’ is massive. It would thus be expected that his left parietal skull and brain would be ejected, as entry wounds are almost always smaller than exit wounds which tends to blow outward. As the book depository was behind Kennedy, it is thus rather apparent that a right frontal entry was not caused by a bullet fired from behind.
56). Orvillc Nix. a UP1 photographer, was standing opposite the grassy knoll taking pictures. An analysis of the Nix film showed what looked to be a car with a man standing on it holding what appeared to be a rifle that to be pointed in the direction of Kennedy’s car. Maurice Schonfeld, Jack Fox, and Burt Reinhardt, all of U.RI. also believe the photograph shows a man pointing a rifle. UPI reporter, Jack Fox subsequently interviewed several witnesses to the assassination. S. M. Holland, who was standing on the overpass, told Fox there were four shots: “…the first came from the book building and hit the President. The second came from the same place and hit Governor John Connally….The third shot came from behind the picket fence to the north of Elm Street. There was a puff of smoke under the trees like someone had thrown out a Chinese firecracker and a report entirely different from the one which was fired from the book building.” Seven other witnesses on the overpass also saw a puff of smoke rising. J. M. Smith, a Dallas policeman, claimed to have “caught the smell of gunpowder” behind the wooden fence. Holland also claimed he ran toward the fence and saw a station wagon with two muddy marks on the bumper “as if someone had stood there to look over the fence.”
57). The “magic bullet,” according to the Warren Commission, entered Kennedy’s back, turned upward and exited his neck, then it struck Connally in the back, turned right and struck Connally in the wrist, and then turned left and entered Connally’s thigh, and then, it fell out on Connally’s stretcher in the Dallas hospital where he had been taken. Others, such as Mark Lane, Vincent Salandria, Ray Marcus, Leo Sauvage, Harold Weisberg, and Professors Richard H. Popkin and Josiah Thompson, propose a more logical explanation for the “magic bullet.” The bullet was fired from Oswald’s rifle before the assassination and then it was left on the Connally’s stretcher, where it was found later that day. Also, three doctors, Finck, Humes, and Shaw testified that bullet fragments were found in Connally’s wrist whereas the bullet found on the stretcher only had a slight dent, as if it had been shot into something soft, like a pillow.
58). Theodore H. White’s The Making of the President, 1964. “On the flight [back to Washington aboard Air Force One] the party learned that there was no conspiracy; learned of the identity of Oswald and his arrest.” Air Force landed in Washington at 4:58 p.m. Dallas time. According to Dallas District Attorney Henry M. Wade he had received a number of telephone calls from the FBI, the State Department and White House, that afternoon, and the calls continued into the evening.
59). John McCloy served as a Member of Committee on the National Security Organization from 1948 to 1949. Because of his extensive business connections with Germany prior to and during the war (serving Rockefeller-Nazi interests), he served, at the urgings of Rockefeller and the Dulles brothers, as US Military Governor and High Commissioner for Germany from 1949 until 1952. In 1953 until 1960, he served as Chairman of the Board, Chase National Bank and then, after it merged with another bank, the Chase Manhattan Bank. During the war, IG Farben owned 40% of Chase stock, whereas Rockefeller owned much of the rest.
60. Newsweek 12/1/98. Daily News 12/21/98: “Chase National Bank – the precursor of today’s Chase Manhattan Bank, helped the Nazis to plunder Jewish property in France during World War II. The New York-based bank controlled by the Rockefeller family closed Jewish accounts even before the Germans ordered them to do so and did business with the Nazis while they were sending Jews to the gas chambers. And while the U.S. was at war with the Nazis, Chase also helped German banks do business with their overseas branches. Chase Manhattan is now the largest bank company in the U.S. with more than $300 billion in assets. Lawyers representing Holocaust survivors” named “Chase Manhattan in their lawsuit” and “another big U.S. bank, J.R Morgan. While many other U.S. businesses and banks closed down their Paris operations after France fell to the Germans, Chase National remained open and even thrived. The relationship between Chase and the Nazis apparently was so cozy that Carlos Niedermann, the Chase branch chief in Paris, wrote his supervisor in Manhattan that the bank enjoyed ‘very special esteem’ with top German officials and ‘a rapid expansion of deposits.’ Niedermann’s letter was written in May 1942 – five months after the Japanese bombed Pearl Harbor and the U.S. also went to war with Germany.”
61). Daily News, 12/24/98, “Chase Named In Holocaust-Asset Suit. Two American banks were named in a class-action lawsuit yesterday that accuses them of collaborating with the Nazis to deprive Jewish depositors of their rightful assets. ‘They froze and blocked Jewish accounts during the period of the Nazi occupation in France, depriving Jewish families of the financial means to flee France,’ said attorney Kenneth McCallion, who filed the suit against Chase Manhattan Bank, J.P. Morgan and seven French banks. McCallion charges Chase’s Paris branch – with full backing of its New York office – displayed “excessive zeal” in enforcing anti-Jewish laws and was held in “very special esteem” by Vichy authorities. Court papers also say Chase prospered under German occupation, nearly doubling its deposits between 1942 and 1944 from 27 million to more than 50 million French francs. Chase officials said in a statement that it has been in settlement talks with the World Jewish Congress for several weeks and that it was disappointed that an ‘unnecessary” lawsuit has been filed.”
62. NMT, IG. Farben case, Volumes VII and VIII, pp. 1304-1311; “Elimination of German Resources, p. 1085.”
63). The CIA have a huge network of contract killers that can be called upon from any country, and imported into any country, for the purposes of terrorism and murder, including the murder of politicians and presidents. For example, as revealed in a cable written FBI attache Robert Scherrer, “FBI, Operation Condor Cable,” 9/28/1976, the CIA maintains a joint intelligence operation involving a network of secret police agencies and “special teams” which travel “anywhere in the world… to carry out assassination against terrorists or supporters of terrorist organizations,” including individuals or organizations inside the United States.
64). CIA contract agent and electronics expert, Robert D. Morrow, in his book, First Hand Knowledge—How I participated in the CIA-Mafia Murder of President Kennedy, claims that in July of 1963, Tracy Barnes, CIA head of Domestic Operations ordered him to procure “four Mannlicher 7.35 mm surplus rifles. I received a second phone call. It was del Valle calling from, I assumed, Miami. He asked me to supply him with four transceivers which were not detectable by any communications equipment then available on the market. I told him that I could provide him with sub-miniaturized units whose operation would be confined to a range of fifty or one hundred kilohertz. To operate any sizable distance, the units would require an antenna at least several feet in length. A wire taped to the user’s leg would easily suffice for this purpose. Del Valle then requested that I deliver the transceivers and the rifles to David Ferrie. Del Valle explained to me that the rifles and communications equipment were for his Free Cuba Committee, and that Clay and Ferrie were assisting him in the operation. Then he dropped the bomb. Del Valle exclaimed, “They had better be perfect, compadre. They are for Texas! …Kennedy is going to get it in Dallas!”
65). Jim Oliphant. Legal Times, 6/21/2000
66). Robert Groden & Harrison Livingstone. “High Treason: The Assassination of John F. Kennedy and the New Evidence of Conspiracy,” Berkley Books, 1989; Mark North, “Act of Treason: The Role of J. Edgar Hoover in the Assassination of President Kennedy,” Carroll & Graf, 1991.
67). Edward Jay Epstein, “Legend: The Secret World of Lee Harvey Oswald,” Hutchinson, 1978.
68). Richard H. Immerman, “John Foster Dulles: Piety, Pragmatism, and Power in U.S. Foreign Policy,” Scholarly Resources, 1999; Richard H. Immerman (Editor), “John Foster Dulles and the Diplomacy of the Cold War,” Princeton University Press, 1992.
69). Tom Wicker & Arthur M. Schlesinger, “Dwight D. Eisenhower 1953-1961,”Times Books, 2000; Robert R. Bowie & Richard H. Immerman, “Waging Peace: How Eisenhower Shaped an Enduring Cold War Strategy,” Oxford University Press, 2000.
70). Fred J. Cook, “The U-2 Incident, May, 1960: An American Spy Plane Downed over Russia Intensifies the Cold War,” Franklin Watts, 1973.
71). John M. Newman, “Oswald and the CIA,” 1995.
72). Haldeman, “The Ends of Power”,
73). Joseph McBride, ‘”George Bush,’ CIA Operative,” The Nation, July 16,1988.
74). Bob Woodward & Carl Bernstein, “The Final Days,” Avon Books. 75). Victor Marchetti, The Spotlight, Liberty Lobby, 8/14/1978. 76). CNN, “Howard Hunt: CIA Operative, Central America,” 9/1997 & 10/1997.
77). “Operation Zapata.” See page 89, Michael R. Beschloss, The Crisis Years: Kennedy and Khrushchev, 1960-63,” Edward Burlingame Books, 1991.
78). “Houston” and “Barbara” were the names of two of the ships used in the Bay of Pigs. See pages 79-80, Quintin Pino Machado, “La Batalla de Giron,” La Habana: Editorial de Ciencias Sociales, 1983; and see pages 98-99, “Schumacher, Operation Pluto,” and Peter Wyden, “Bay of Pigs, The Untold Story,” Simon and Shuster, 1979.
79). “Date: November 29,1963 To: Director Bureau of Intelligence and Research Department of State From: John Edgar Hoover, Director Subject: ASSASSINATION OF PRESIDENT JOHN F. KENNEDY NOVEMBER 22, 1963 Our Miami, Florida, Office on November 23, 1963 advised that the Office of Coordinator of Cuban Affairs in Miami advised that the Department of State feels some misguided anti-Castro group might capitalize on the present situation and undertake an unauthorized raid against Cuba, believing that the assassination of President John F. Kennedy might herald a change in US policy, which is not true. Our sources and informants familiar with Cuban matters in the Miami area advise that the general feeling in the anti-Castro Cuban community is one of stunned disbelief and, even among those who did not entirely agree with the President’s policy concerning Cuba, the feeling is that the President’s death represents a great loss not only to the US but to all Latin America. These sources know of no plans for unauthorized action against Cuba. An informant who has furnished reliable information in the past and who is close to a small pro-Castro group in Miami has advised that those individuals are afraid that the assassination of the President may result in strong repressive measures being taken against them and, although pro-Castro in their feelings, regret the assassination. The substance of the foregoing information was orally furnished to Mr. George Bush of the Central Intelligence Agency and Captain William Edwards of the Defense Intelligence Agency on November 23, 1963, by Mr. W.T. Forsyth of this Bureau.”
80). “Report to the President by the Commission on CIA Activities Within the United States,” Washington: US Government Printing Office, 1975, pp. 251-267.
81). Georgie Anne Geyer, “Guerrilla Prince,” Little, Brown, 1991.
America Betrayed, R. Joseph — 1st ed. Includes Extensive Footnotes & References ISBN 0971644578 1. Terrorism 2. 9-11 3. Osama bin Laden 4. George Bush 5. Hitler 6. Nazi 7. Saudi Arabia 8. Taliban 9. Iraq University Press .info University PressC alifomia. com San Jose, California