"No person shall be a Senator or Representative in Congress...who, having previously taken an oath...to support the Constitution of the United States, engaged in insurrection or rebellion against the same, or given aid or comfort to the enemies thereof..." 14th Amendment, US Constitution Ratified in 1868, this amendment specifically targeted the KKK. Designed to negate the influence of oath-bound "ex-Klansmen" in high office, this amendment was crudely violated when FDR appointed Klansmen Hugo Black into Supreme Court. Others would follow. Show a Child You Care
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Debate regarding the authorship of this document may be designed to ignore the obvious: it was written not by Jews, but by high-level freemasons and that which is being discussed is, irrefutably, Pike and Mazzini's New World Order. All of the critical protocols are now a reality or came to pass: For example...
The Protocols of the Learned Elders of Zion has become a best seller among political books published this century. Having been translated into every language since it was first brought to light in 1919 and having reached over a million sales in the English edition alone, this remarkable set of documents is in greater demand than ever today. The years have shown that every great world event has followed the course laid down by the secret authors of this book. Wars, slumps, revolutions, the rise in the cost of living and chronic unrest are all foretold as leading to the ultimate goal of World Conquest through the "back-door" means of first establishing World Government "by consent." The thoughtful reader must reject the view, once held by some people, that the Protocols originated as an imaginative work of miraculous accuracy. The only rational view seems to be that the Protocols must be taken on their face value as a detailed plan of action, aiming at nothing other than the goal they themselves set forth. This goal is a World State which the nations are being urged by their leaders to accept as "the only alternative to annihilation." This is the choice which our politicians are offering us today. The eighty-first impression of the Marsden translation was presented under the new title World Conquest through World Government because the publishers believed that the ultimate conquest foretold in this terrible plan is nearing its final stages. TABLE OF CONTENTS Uncanny Note Of Prophecy
Are They A Forgery?"
Too Terribly Real For Fiction
Confirmation From A Jew
They Fit It Now
PROTOCOLS OF THE MEETINGS OF THE LEARNED ELDERS OF ZION
.....Putting aside fine phrases we shall speak of the significance of each thought: by comparisons and deductions we shall throw light upon surrounding facts. What I am about to set forth, then, is our system from the two point[s] of view, that of ourselves and that of the goyim (i.e., non-Jews). It must be noted that men with bad instincts are more in number than the good, and therefore the best results in governing them are attained by violence and terrorization, and not by academic discussions. Every man aims at power, everyone would like to become a dictator if only he could, and rare indeed are the men who would not be willing to sacrifice the welfare of all for the sake of securing their own welfare. What has restrained the beasts of prey who are called men? What has served for their guidance hitherto? In the beginnings of the structure of society they were subjected to brutal and blind force; afterwards -- to Law, which is the same force, only disguised. I draw the conclusion that by the law of nature right lies in force. Political freedom is an idea but not a fact. This idea one must know how to apply whenever it appears necessary with this bait of an idea to attract the masses of the people to one's party for the purpose of crushing another who is in authority. This task is rendered easier if the opponent has himself been infected with the idea of freedom, so-called liberalism, and, for the sake of an idea, is willing to yield some of his power. It is precisely here that the triumph of our theory appears: the slackened reins of government are immediately, by the law of life, caught up and gathered together by a new hand, because the blind might of the nation cannot for one single day exist without guidance, and the new authority merely fits into the place of the old already weakened by liberalism. In our day the power which has replaced that of the rulers who were liberal is the power of Gold. Time was when Faith ruled. The idea of freedom is impossible of realization because no one knows how to use it with moderation. It is enough to hand over a people to self-government for a certain length of time for that people to be turned into a disorganized mob. From that moment on we get internecine strife which soon develops into battles between classes, in the midst of which States burn down and their importance is reduced to that of a heap of ashes. Whether a State exhausts itself in its own convulsions, whether its internal discord brings it under the power of external foes -- in any case it can be accounted irretrievably lost: it is in our power. The despotism of Capital, which is entirely in our hands, reaches out to it a straw that the State, willy-nilly, must take hold of: if not -- it goes to the bottom. Should anyone of a liberal mind say that such reflections as the above are immoral I would put the following questions: -- If every State has two foes and if in regard to the external foe it is allowed and not considered immoral to use every manner and art of conflict, as for example to keep the enemy in ignorance of plans of attack and defense, to attack him by night or in superior numbers, then in what way can the same means in regard to a worse foe, the destroyer of the structure of society and the commonwealth, be called immoral and not permissible? Is it possible for any sound logical mind to hope with any success to guide crowds by the aid of reasonable counsels and arguments, when any objection or contradiction, senseless though it may be, can be made and when such objection may find more favor with the people, whose powers of reasoning are superficial? Men in masses and the men of the masses, being guided solely by petty passions, paltry beliefs, customs, traditions and sentimental theorems, fall a prey to party dissension, which hinders any kind of agreement even on the basis of a perfectly reasonable argument. Every resolution of a crowd depends upon a chance or packed majority, which, in its ignorance of political secrets, put forth some ridiculous resolution that lays in the administration a seed of anarchy. The political has nothing in common with the moral. The ruler who is governed by the moral is not a skilled politician, and is therefore unstable on his throne. He who wishes to rule must have recourse both to cunning and to make-believe. Great national qualities, like frankness and honesty, are vices in politics, for they bring down rulers from their thrones more effectively and more certainly than the most powerful enemy. Such qualities must be the attributes of the kingdoms of the goyim, but we must in no wise be guided by them. Our right lies in force. The word "right" is an abstract thought and proved by nothing. The word means no more than: --Give me what I want in order that thereby I may have a proof that I am stronger than you. Where does right begin? Where does it end? In any State in which there is a bad organization of authority, an impersonality of laws and of the rulers who have lost their personality amid the flood of rights ever multiplying out of liberalism, I find a new right -- to attack by the right of the strong, and to scatter to the winds all existing forces of order and regulation, to reconstruct all institutions and to become the sovereign lord of those who have left to us the rights of their power by laying them down voluntarily in their liberalism. Our power in the present tottering condition of all forms of power will
be more invisible than any other, because it will remain invisible until
the moment when it has gained such strength that no cunning can any
longer undermine it.
In order to elaborate satisfactory forms of
action it is necessary to have regard to the rascality, the slackness,
the instability of the mob, its lack of capacity to understand and
respect the conditions of its own life, or its own welfare. It must be
understood that the might of a mob is blind, senseless and unreasoning
force ever at the mercy of a suggestion from any side. The blind cannot
lead the blind without bringing them into the abyss; consequently,
members of the mob, upstarts from the people even though they should be
as a genius for wisdom, yet having no understanding of the political,
cannot come forward as leaders of the mob without bringing the whole
nation to ruin. Only one trained from childhood for independent rule can
have understanding of the words that can be made up of the political
alphabet. A people left to itself
i.e., to upstarts from its midst, brings itself to ruin by party
dissensions excited by the pursuit of power and honors and the disorders
arising therefrom, Is impossible for the masses of the people calmly and
without petty jealousies to form judgments, to deal with the affairs of
the country, which cannot be mixed up with personal interests? Can they
defend themselves from an external foe? It is unthinkable, for a plan
broken up into as many parts as there are heads in the mob, loses all
homogeneity, and thereby becomes unintelligible and impossible of
execution.
It is only with a despotic ruler that
plans can be elaborated extensively and clearly in such a way as to
distribute the whole properly among the several parts of the machinery
of the State: from this the conclusion is inevitable that a satisfactory
form of government for any country is one that concentrates in the hands
of one responsible person. Without an absolute despotism there can be no
existence for civilization which is carried on not by the masses but by
their guide, whosoever that person may be. The mob is a savage and
displays its savagery at every opportunity. The moment the mob seizes
freedom in its hands it quickly turns to anarchy, which in itself is the
highest degree of savagery.
Behold the alcoholized animals, bemused
with drink, the right to an immoderate use of which comes along with
freedom. It's not for us and ours to walk that road. The peoples of the
goyim are bemused with alcoholic liquors; their youth has grown stupid
on classicism and from early immorality, into which it has been inducted
by our special agents -- by tutors, lackeys, governesses in the houses
of the wealthy, by clerks and others, by our women in the places of
dissipation frequented by the goyim. In the number of these last I count
also the so-called" society ladies," voluntary followers of the others
in corruption and luxury.
Our countersign is -- Force and
Make-believe. Only force conquers in political affairs, especially if it
be concealed in the talents essential to statesmen. Violence must be the
principle, and cunning and make-believe the rule for governments which
do not want to lay down their crowns at the feet of agents of some new
power. This evil is the one and only means to attain the end, the good.
Therefore we must not stop at bribery, deceit and treachery when they
should serve towards the attainment of our end. In politics one must
know how to seize the property of others without hesitation if by it we
secure submission and sovereignty.
Our State, marching along the path of
peaceful conquest, has the right to replace the horrors of war by less
noticeable and more satisfactory sentences of death, necessary to
maintain the terror which tends to produce blind submission. Just but
merciless severity is the greatest factor of strength in the State: not
only for the sake of gain but also in the name of duty, for the sake of
victory, we must keep to the program of violence and make-believe. The
doctrine of squaring accounts is precisely as strong as the means of
which it makes use. Therefore it is not so much by the means themselves
as by the doctrine of severity that we shall triumph and bring all
governments into subjection to our super-government. It is enough for
them to know that we are merciless for all disobedience to cease.
Far back in ancient times we were the
first to cry among the masses of the people the words "Liberty,
Equality, Fraternity," words many times repeated since those days by
stupid poll-parrots who from all sides round flew down upon these baits
and with them carried away the well-being of the world, true freedom of
the individual, formerly so well guarded against the pressure of the
mob. The would-be wise men of the goyim, the intellectuals, couldn't
make anything out of the uttered words in their abstractness; did not
note the contradiction of their meaning and inter-relation: did not see
that in nature there is no equality, cannot be freedom; that Nature
herself has established inequality of minds, of characters, and
capacities, just as immutably as she has established subordination to
her laws: never stopped to think that the mob is a blind thing, that
upstarts elected from among it to bear rule are, in regard to the
political, the same blind men as the mob itself, that the adept, though
he be a fool, can yet rule, whereas the non-adept, even if he were a
genius, understands nothing in the political -- to all these things the
goyim paid no regard; yet all the time it was based upon these things
that dynastic rule rested: the father passed on to the son a knowledge
of the course of political affairs in such wise that none should know it
but members of the dynasty and none could betray it to the governed. As
time went on the meaning of the dynastic transference of the true
position of affairs in the political was lost, and this aided the
success of our cause.
In all corners of the earth the words
"Liberty, Equality, Fraternity" brought to our ranks, thanks to our
blind agents, whole legions who bore our banners with enthusiasm. And
all the time these words were canker-worms at work boring into the
well-being of the goyim, putting an end everywhere to peace, quiet,
solidarity and destroying all the foundations of the goya States. As you
will see later, this helped us to our triumph; it gave us the
possibility, among other things, of getting into our hands the master
card -- the destruction of the privileges, or in other words of the very
existence of the aristocracy of the goyim, that class which was the only
defense peoples and countries had against us. On the ruins of the
natural and genealogical aristocracy of the goyim we have set up the
aristocracy of our educated class headed by the aristocracy of money.
The qualifications for this aristocracy we have established in wealth,
which is dependent upon us, and in knowledge, for which our learned
elders provide the motive force.
Our triumph has been rendered easier by
the fact that in our relations with the men whom we wanted we have
always worked upon the most sensitive chords of the human mind, upon the
cash account, upon the cupidity, upon the insatiability for material
needs of man: and each one of these human weaknesses, taken alone, is
sufficient to paralyze initiative, for it hands over the will of men to
the disposition of him who has bought their activities.
The abstraction of freedom has enabled us
to persuade the mob in all countries that their government is nothing
but the steward of the people who are the owners of the country, and
that the steward may be replaced like a worn-out glove.
It is this possibility of replacing the
representatives of the people which has placed them at our disposal,
and, as it were, given us the power of appointment. Economic Wars--the foundation of
the Jewish predominance. Figure-head government and "secret
advisers." Successes of destructive doctrines. Adaptability in
politics. Part played by the Press. Cost of gold and value of Jewish
sacrifice.
It is indispensable for our purpose that wars, so far as possible,
should not result in territorial gains: war will thus be brought on to
the economic ground, where the nations will not fail to perceive in the
assistance we give the strength of our predominance, and this state of
things will put both sides at the mercy of our international agentur;
which possesses millions of eyes ever on the watch and unhampered my any
limitations whatsoever. Our international rights will then wipe out
national rights, in the proper sense of right, and will rule the nations
precisely as the civil law of States rules the relations of their
subjects among themselves. The
administrators, whom we shall choose from among the public, with strict
regard to their capacities for servile obedience, will not be persons
trained in the arts of government, and will therefore easily become
pawns in our game in the hands of men of learning and genius who will be
their advisers, specialists bred and reared from early childhood to rule
the affairs of the whole world. As is well known to you, these
specialists of ours have been drawing to fit them for rule the
information they need from our political plans from the lessons of
history, from observations made of the events of every moment as it
passes. The goyim are not guided by practical use of unprejudiced
historical observation, but by theoretical routine without any critical
regard for consequent results. We need not, therefore, take any account
of them -- let them amuse themselves until the hour strikes, or live on
hopes of new forms of enterprising pastime, or on the memories of all
they have enjoyed.
For them let
that play the principal part which we have persuaded them to accept as
the dictates of science (theory). It is with this object in view that we
are constantly, by means of our press, arousing a blind confidence in
these theories. The intellectuals of the goyim will puff themselves up
with their knowledge and without any logical verification of them will
put into effect all the information available from science, which our
agentur specialists have cunningly pieced together for the purpose of
educating their minds in the direction we want. Do not suppose for
a moment that these statements are empty words: think carefully of the
successes we arranged for
Darwinism, Marxism, Nietzscheism. To us Jews, at any rate, it should
be plain to see what a disintegrating importance these directives have
had upon the minds of the goyim.
It is indispensable for us to take
account of the thoughts, characters, tendencies of the nations in order
to avoid making slips in the political and in the direction of
administrative affairs. The triumph of our system, of which the
component parts of the machinery may be variously disposed according to
the temperament of the peoples met on our way, will fail of success if
the practical application of it be not based upon a summing up of the
lessons of the past in the light of the present.
In the hands of the States of to-day
there is a great force that creates the movement of thought in the
people, and that is the Press. The part played by the Press is to keep
pointing out requirements supposed to be indispensable, to give voice to
the complaints of the people, to express and create discontent. It is in
the Press that the triumph of freedom of speech finds its incarnation.
But the goyim States have not known how to make use of this force; and
it has fallen into our hands. Through the Press we have gained the power
to influence while remaining ourselves in the shade: thanks to the Press
we have got the gold in our hands, notwithstanding that we have had to
gather it out of the oceans of blood and tears. But it has paid us,
though we have sacrificed many of our people. Each victim on our side is
worth in the sight of God a thousand goyim. The Symbolic Snake and its
significance. The instability of the constitutional scales. Terror in
the palaces. Power and ambition. Parliaments "talkeries," pamphlets.
Abuse of power. Economic slavery. "People's Rights."
Monopolist system
and the aristocracy. The Army of Mason-Jewry. Decrescence of the
Goyim. Hunger and rights of capital. The mob and the coronation of
"The Sovereign Lord of all the World." The fundamental precept in
the program of the future Masonic national schools. The secret of
the science of the structure of society. Universal economic crisis.
Security of "ours" (i.e., our people, Jews). The despotism of
Masonry -- the kingdom of reason. Loss of the guide. Masonry and the
great French Revolution. The King Despot of the blood of Zion.
Causes of the invincibility of Masonry. Part played by secret
masonic agents. Freedom.
Today I may tell you that our goal is now only a few steps off. There
remains a small space to cross and the whole long path we have trodden
is ready now to close its cycle of the Symbolic Snake, by which we
symbolize our people. When this ring closes, all the States of Europe
will be locked in its coil as in a powerful vice.
The constitution scales of these days
will shortly breakdown, for we have established them with a certain lack
of accurate balance in order that they may oscillate incessantly until
they wear through the pivot on which they turn. The goyim are under the
impression that they have welded them sufficiently strong and they have
all along kept on expecting that the scales would come into equilibrium.
But the pivots -- the kings on their thrones -- are hemmed in by their
representatives, who play the fool, distraught with their own
uncontrolled and irresponsible power. This power they owe to the terror
which has been breathed into the palaces. As they have no means of
getting at their people, into their very midst, the kings on their
thrones are no longer able to come to terms with them and so strengthen
themselves against seekers after power. We have made a gulf between the
far-seeing Sovereign Power and the blind force of the people so that
both have lost all meaning, for like the blind man and his stick, both
are powerless apart.
In order to incite seekers after power to
a misuse of power we have set all forces in opposition one to another,
breaking up their liberal tendencies towards independence. To this end
we have stirred up every form of enterprise we have armed all parties,
we have set up authority as a target for every ambition. Of States we
have made gladiatorial arenas where a host of confused issues contend. A
little more, and disorders and bankruptcy will be universal.
Babblers inexhaustible have turned into
oratorical contests the sittings of Parliament and Administrative
Boards. Bold journalists and unscrupulous pamphleteers daily fall upon
executive officials. Abuses of power will put the final touch in
preparing all institutions for their overthrow and everything will fly
skyward under the blows of the maddened mob.
All people are chained down to heavy toil
by poverty more firmly than ever they were chained by slavery and
serfdom; from these, one way and another, they might free themselves,
these could be settled with, but from want they will never get away. We
have included in the constitution such rights as to the masses appear
fictitious and not actual rights. All these so-called" People's Rights"
can exist only in idea, an idea which can never be realized in practical
life. What is it to the proletariat labourer, bowed double over his
heavy toll, crushed by his lot in life, if talkers get the right to
babble, if journalists get the right to scribble any nonsense side by
side with good stuff, once the proletariat has no other profit out of
the constitution save only those pitiful crumbs which we fling them from
our table in return for their voting in favour of what we dictate, in
favour of the men we place in power, the servants of our
agentur....Republican rights for a poor man are no more than a bitter
piece of irony, for the necessity he is under of toiling almost all day
gives him no present use of them, but on the other hand robs him of all
guarantee of regular and certain earnings by making him dependent on
strikes by his comrades or lockouts by his masters.
The people under our guidance have
annihilated the aristocracy, who were their one and only defense and
foster-mother for the sake of their own advantage which is inseparably
bound up with the well-being of the people. Nowadays, with the
destruction of the aristocracy, the people have fallen into the grips of
merciless money-grinding scoundrels who have laid a pitiless and cruel
yoke upon the necks of the workers.
We appear on the scene as alleged saviors
of the worker from this oppression when we propose to him to enter the
ranks of our fighting forces -- Socialists, Anarchists, Communists -- to
whom we always give support in accordance with an alleged brotherly rule
(of the solidarity of all humanity) of our social masonry. The
aristocracy, which enjoyed by law the labor of the workers, was
interested in seeing that the workers were well fed, healthy and strong.
We are interested in just the opposite -- in the diminution, the killing
out of the GOYIM. Our power is in the chronic shortness of food and
physical weakness of the worker because by all that this implies he is
made the slave of our will, and he will not find in his own authorities
either strength or energy to set against our will. Hunger creates the
right of capital to rule the worker more surely than it was given to the
aristocracy by the legal authority of kings.
By want and the envy and hatred which it
engenders we shall move the mobs and with their hands we shall wipe out
all those who hinder us on our way. When the hour strikes for our
Sovereign Lord of all the World to be crowned it is these same hands
which will sweep away everything that might be a hindrance thereto. The
goyim have lost the habit of thinking unless prompted by the suggestions
of our specialists. Therefore they do not see the urgent necessity of
what we, when our kingdom comes, shall adopt at once, namely this, that
it is essential to teach in national schools one simple, true piece of
knowledge, the basis of all knowledge -- the knowledge of the structure
of human life, of social existence, which requires division of labor,
and, consequently, the division of men into classes and conditions. It
is essential for all to know that owing to difference in the objects of
human activity there cannot be any equality, that he who by any act of
his compromises a whole class cannot be equally responsible before the
law with him who affects no one but only his own honor. The true
knowledge of the structure of society, into the secrets of which we do
not admit the goyim, would demonstrate to all men that the positions and
work must be kept within a certain circle, that they may not become a
source of human suffering, arising from an education which does not
correspond with the work which individuals are called upon to do. After
a thorough study of this knowledge the peoples will voluntarily submit
to authority and accept such position as is appointed them in the State.
In the present state of knowledge and the direction we have given to its
development the people, blindly believing things in print -- cherishes
-- thanks to promptings intended to mislead and to its own ignorance --
a blind hatred towards all conditions which it considers above itself,
for it has no understanding of the meaning of class and condition.
This hatred will be still further
magnified by the effects of an economic crisis, which will stop dealings
on the exchanges and bring industry to a standstill. We shall create by
all the secret subterranean methods open to us and with the aid of gold,
which is all in our hands, a universal economic crisis whereby we shall
throw upon the streets whole mobs of workers simultaneously in all the
countries of Europe. These mobs will rush delightedly to shed the blood
of those whom, in the simplicity of their ignorance, they have envied
from their cradles, and whose property they will then be able to loot.
"Ours" they will not touch, because the
moment of attack will be known to us and we shall take measures to
protect our own. We have demonstrated that progress will bring all the
goyim to the sovereignty of reason. Our despotism will be precisely
that; for it will know how by wise severities to pacificate all unrest,
to cauterize liberalism out of all institutions. When the populace has
seen that all sorts of concessions and indulgences are yielded it in the
name of freedom it has imagined itself to be sovereign lord and has
stormed its way to power, but, naturally, like every other blind man it
has come upon a host of stumbling blocks, it has rushed to find a guide,
it has never had the sense to return to the former state and it has laid
down its plenipotentiary powers at our feet. Remember the French
Revolution, to which it was we who gave the name of "Great": the secrets
of its preparations are well known to us for it was wholly the work of
our hands.
Ever since that time we have been leading
the peoples from one disenchantment to another, so that in the end they
should turn also from us in favour of that King-Despot of the blood of
Zion, whom we are preparing for the world.
At the present day we are, as an
international force, invincible, because if attacked by some we are
supported by other States. It is the bottomless rascality of the goyim
peoples, who crawl on their bellies to force, but are merciless towards
weakness, unsparing to faults and indulgent to crimes, unwilling to bear
the contradictions of a free social system but patient unto martyrdom
under the violence of a bold despotism -- it is those qualities which
are aiding us to independence. From the premier-dictators of the present
day the goyim peoples suffer patiently and bear such abuses as for the
least of them they would have beheaded twenty kings.
What is the explanation of this
phenomenon, this curious inconsequence of the masses of the peoples in
their attitude towards what would appear to be events of the same order?
It is explained by the fact that these
dictators whisper to the peoples through their agents that through these
abuses they're inflicting injury on the States with the highest purpose
--to secure the welfare of the peoples, the international brotherhood of
them all, their solidarity and equality of rights. Naturally they do not
tell the peoples that this unification must be accomplished only under
our sovereign rule.
And thus the people condemn the upright
and acquit the guilty, persuaded ever more and more that it can do
whatsoever it wishes. Thanks to this state of things the people are
destroying every kind of stability and creating disorders at every step.
The word "freedom" brings out the
communities of men to fight against every kind of force, against every
kind of authority, even against God and the laws of nature. For this
reason we, when we come into our kingdom, shall have to erase this word
from the lexicon of life as implying a principle of brute force which
turns mobs into bloodthirsty beasts.
These beasts, it is true, fall asleep
again every time when they have drunk their fill of blood, and at such
times can easily be riveted into their chains. But if they be not given
blood they will not sleep and continue the struggle. Stages of a Republic. Gentile
Masonry. Freedom and Faith. International Industrial Competition.
Role of Speculation. Cult of Gold.
Every republic passes through several stages. The first of these is
comprised in the early days of mad raging by the blind mob, tossed
hither and thither, right and left: the second is demagogy, from which
is born anarchy, and that leads inevitably to despotism -- not any
longer legal and overt, and therefore responsible despotism, but to
unseen and secretly hidden, yet nevertheless sensibly felt despotism in
the hands of some secret organization or other, whose acts are the more
unscrupulous inasmuch as it works behind a screen, behind the backs of
allsorts of agents, the changing of whom not only does not injuriously
affect but actually aids the secret force by saving it, thanks to
continual changes, from the necessity of expending its resources on the
rewarding of long services.
Who and what is in a position to
overthrow an invisible force? And this is precisely what our force is.
Gentile masonry blindly serves as a screen for us and our objects, but
the plan of action of our force, even its very abiding place, remains
for the whole people an unknown mystery.
But even freedom might be harmless and have
its place in the State economy without injury to the well-being of the
peoples if it rested upon the foundation of faith in God, upon the
brotherhood of humanity, unconnected with the conception of equality,
which is negatived by the very laws of creation, for they have
established subordination. With such a faith as this a people might be
governed by a wardship of parishes, and would walk contentedly and
humbly under the guiding hand of its spiritual pastor submitting to the
dispositions of God upon earth. This is the reason why it is
indispensable for us to undermine all faith, to tear of minds out of the
GOYIM the very principle of Godhead and the spirit, and to put in its
place arithmetical calculations and material needs.
In order to give the goyim no time to
think and take note, their minds must be diverted towards industry and
trade. Thus, all the nations will be swallowed up in the pursuit of gain
and in the race for it will not take note of their common foe. But
again, in order that freedom may once for all disintegrate and ruin the
communities of the goyim, we must put industry on a speculative basis:
the result of this will be that what is withdrawn from the land by
industry will slip through the handstand pass into speculation, that is,
to our classes.
The intensified struggle for superiority
and shocks delivered to economic life will create, nay, have already
created, disenchanted, cold and heartless communities. Such communities
will foster a strong aversion towards the higher political and towards
religion. Their only guide is gain, that is Gold, which they will erect
into a veritable cult, for the sake of those material delights which it
can give. Then will the hour strike when, not for the sake of attaining
the good, not even to win wealth, but solely out of hatred towards the
privileged, the lower classes of the goyim will follow our lead against
our rivals for power, the intellectuals of the goyim. What form of administrative rule can
be given to communities in which corruption has penetrated everywhere,
communities where riches are attained only by the clever surprise
tactics of semi-swindling tricks; where looseness reigns: where morality
is maintained by penal measures and harsh laws but not by voluntarily
accepted principles: where the feelings toward faith and country are
obliterated by cosmopolitan convictions? What form of rule is to be
given to these communities if not that despotism which I shall describe
to you later? We shall create an intensified centralization of
government in order to grip in [our] hands all the forces of the
community. We shall regulate mechanically all the actions of the
political life of our subjects by new laws. These laws will withdraw one
by one all the indulgences and liberties which have been permitted by
the goyim, and our kingdom will be distinguished by a despotism of such
magnificent proportions as to be at any moment and in every place in a
position to wipe out any goyim who oppose us by deed or word.
We shall be told that such a despotism as
I speak of is not consistent with the progress of these days, but I will
prove to you that it is. In the times when the peoples looked upon kings
on their thrones as on a pure manifestation of the will of God, they
submitted without a murmur to the despotic power of kings: but from the
day when we insinuated into their minds the conception of their own
rights they began to regard the occupants of thrones as mere ordinary
mortals. The holy unction of the Lord's Anointed has fallen from the
heads of kings in the eye of the people, and when we also robbed them of
their faith in God the might of power was flung upon the streets into
the place of public proprietorship and was seized by us.
Moreover, the art of deflecting masses
and individuals by means of cleverly manipulated theory and verbiage, by
regulations of life in common and all sorts of other quirks, in all
which the goyim understand nothing, belongs likewise to the specialists
of our administrative brain. Reared on analysis, observation, on
delicacies of fine calculation, in this species of skill we have no
rivals, any more than we have either in the drawing up of plans of
political actions and solidarity. ln this respect the Jesuits alone
might have compared with us, but we have contrived to discredit them in
the eyes of the unthinking mob as an overt organization, while we
ourselves all the while have kept our secret organization in the shade.
However, it is probably all the same to the world who is its sovereign
lord, whether the head of Catholicism or our despot of the blood of
Zion! But to us, the Chosen People, it is very far from being a matter
of indifference.
For a time perhaps we might be
successfully dealt with by a coalition of the GOYIM of all the world:
but from this danger we are secured by the discord existing among them
whose roots are so deeply seated that they can never now be plucked up.
We have set one against another the personal and national reckonings of
the goyim, religious and race hatreds, which we have fostered into a
huge growth in the course of the past twenty centuries. This is the
reason why there is not one State which would anywhere receive support
if it were to raise its arm, for every one of them must bear in mind
that any agreement against us would be unprofitable to itself. We are
too strong--there is no evading our power. The nations cannot come to
even an inconsiderable private agreement without our secretly having a
hand in it.
"Per Me reges regnant". ("It is through
me that Kings reign.") And it was said by the prophets that we were
chosen by God Himself to rule over the whole earth. God has endowed us
with genius that we may be equal to our task. Were genius in the
opposite camp it would still struggle against us, but even so a newcomer
is no match for the old-established settler; the struggle would be
merciless between us, such a fight as the world has never yet seen. Aye,
and the genius on their side would have arrived too late. All the wheels
of the machinery of all States go by the force of the engine, which is
in our hands, and that engine of the machinery of States is Gold. The
science of political economy invented by our learned elders has for long
past been giving royal prestige to capital.
Capital, if it is to co-operate
untrammeled, must be free to establish a monopoly of industry and trade:
this is already being put in execution by an unseen hand in all quarters
of the world. This freedom will give political force to those engaged in
industry, and that will help to oppress the people. Nowadays it is more
important to disarm the peoples than to lead them into war; more
important to use for our advantage the passions which have burst into
flames than to quench their fire; more important to catch up and
interpret the ideas of others to suit ourselves than to eradicate them.
The principal object of our directorate consists in this: to debilitate
the public mind by criticism; to lead it away from serious reflections
calculated to arouse resistance; to distract the forces of the mind
towards a sham fight of empty eloquence.
In all ages the peoples of the world,
equally with individuals, have accepted words for deeds, for they are
content with a show and rarely pause to note, in the public arena,
whether promises are followed by performance. Therefore we shall
establish show institutions which will give eloquent proof of their
benefit to progress. We shall assume to ourselves the liberal
physiognomy of all parties, of all directions, and we shall give that
physiognomy a voice in orators who will speak so much that they will
exhaust the patience of their hearers and produce an abhorrence of
oratory.
In order to put public opinion into our
hands we must bring it into a state of bewilderment by giving expression
from all sides to so many contradictory opinions and for such length of
time as will suffice to make the GOYIM lose their heads in the labyrinth
and come to see that the best thing is to have no opinion of any kind in
matters political, which it is not given to the public to understand,
because they are understood only by him who guides the public. This is
the first secret.
The second secret requisite for the
success of our government is comprised in the following: To multiply to
such an extent national failings, habits, passions, conditions of civil
life, that it will be impossible for anyone to know where he is in the
resulting chaos, so that the people in consequence will fail to
understand one another. This measure will also serve us in another way,
namely, to sow discord in all parties, to dislocate all collective
forces which are still unwilling to submit to us, and to discourage any
kind of personal initiative which might in any degree hinder our affair.
There is nothing more dangerous than personal initiative; if it has
genius behind it, such initiative can do more than can be done by
million, of people among whom we have sown discord. We must so direct
the education of the goyim communities that whenever they come upon a
matter requiring initiative they may drop their hands in despairing
impotence. The strain which results from freedom of action saps the
forces when it meets with the freedom of another. From this collision arise grave moral shocks, disenchantments, failures.
By all these means we shall so wear down the GOYIM that they will be
compelled to offer us international power of nature that by its position
will enable us without any violence gradually to absorb all the State
forces of the world and to forma Super-Government. In place of the
rulers of to-day we shall setup a bogey which will be called the
Super-Government Administration. Its hands will reach out in all
directions like nippers and its organization will be of such colossal
dimensions that it cannot fail to subdue all the nations of the world. Monopolies; upon them depend the
fortunes of the goyim. Taking of the land out of the hands of the
aristocracy. Trade, Industry and Speculation. Luxury. Rise of wages
and increase of price in the articles of primary necessity.
Anarchism and drunkenness. Secret meaning of the propaganda, of
economic theories.
We shall soon begin to establish huge
monopolies, reservoirs of colossal riches, upon which even large
fortunes of the goyim will depend to such an extent that they will go to
the bottom together with the credit of the States on the day after the
political smash....
You gentlemen here present who are
economists, just strike an estimate of the significance of this
combination!
In every possible way we must develop the
significance of our Super-Government by representing it as the Protector
and Benefactor of all those who voluntarily submit to us.
The aristocracy of the goyim as a
political force, is dead -- we need not take it into account; but as
landed proprietors they can still be harmful to us from the fact that
they are self-sufficing in the resources upon which they live. It is
essential therefore for us at whatever cost to deprive them of their
land. This object will be best attained by increasing the burdens upon
landed property -- in loading lands with debt. These measures will check
land-holding and keep it in a state of humble and unconditional
submission. The aristocrats of the
goyim, being hereditarily incapable of contenting themselves with
little, will rapidly burn up and fizzle out. At the same time we
must intensively patronize trade and industry, but, first and foremost,
speculation, the part played by which is to provide a counterpoise to
industry: the absence of speculative industry will multiply capital in
private hands and will serve to restore agriculture by freeing the land
from indebtedness to the land banks. What we want is that industry
should drain off from the land both labor and capital and by means of
speculation transfer into our hands all the money of the world, and
thereby throw all the goyim into the ranks of the proletariat. Then the
goyim will bow down before us, if for no other reason but to get the
right to exist.
To complete the ruin of the industry of
the goyim we shall bring to the assistance of speculation the luxury
which we have developed among the goyim, that greedy demand for luxury
which is swallowing up everything. We shall raise the rate of wages
which, however, will not bring any advantage to the workers, for at the
same time, we shall produce a rise in prices of the first necessaries of
life, alleging that it arises from the decline of agriculture and cattle
breeding: we shall further undermine artfully and deeply sources of
production, by accustoming the workers to anarchy and to drunkenness and
side by side therewith taking all measure to extirpate from the fact of
the earth all the educated forces of the GOYIM.
In order that the true meaning of things
may not strike the GOYIM before the proper time we shall mask it under
an alleged ardent desire to serve the working classes and the great
principles of political economy about which our economic theories are
carrying on an energetic propaganda.
Object of the intensification of
armaments. Ferments, discords and hostility all over the world.
Checking the opposition of the goyim by wars and by a universal war.
Secrecy means success in the political. The Press and public
opinion. The guns of America, China and Japan.
The intensification of armaments, the
increase of police forces -- are all essential for the completion of the
aforementioned plans. What we have to get at is that there should be in
all the States of the world, besides ourselves, only the masses of the
proletariat, a few millionaires devoted to our interests, police and
soldiers. Throughout all Europe, and by means of relations with Europe,
in other continents also, we must create ferments, discords and
hostility. Therein we gain a double advantage. In the first place we
keep in check all countries, for they well know that we have the power
whenever we like to create disorders or to restore order. All these
countries are accustomed to see in us an indispensable force of
coercion. In the second place, by our intrigues we shall tangle up all
the threads which we have stretched into the cabinets of all States by
means of the political, by economic treaties, or loan obligations. In
order to succeed in this we must use great cunning and penetration
during negotiations and agreements, but, as regards what is called the"
official language," we shall keep to the opposite tactics and assume the
mask of honesty and compliancy. In this way the peoples and governments
of the goyim, whom we have taught to look only at the outside whatever
we present to their notice, will still continue to accept us as the
benefactors and saviors of the human race.
We must be in a position to respond to
every act of opposition by war with the neighbors of that country which
dares to oppose us: but if these neighbors should also venture to stand
collectively together against us, then we must offer resistance by a
universal war.
The principal factor of success in the
political is the secrecy of its undertakings: the word should not agree
with the deeds of the diplomat.
We must compel the governments of the
goyim to take action in the direction favored by our widely-conceived
plan, already approaching the desired consummation, by what we shall
represent as public opinion, secretly prompted by us through the means
of that so-called "Great Power" -- the Press, which, with a few
exceptions that may be disregarded, is already entirely in our hands.
In a word, to sum up our system of keeping
the governments of the goyim in Europe in check, we shall show our
strength to one of them by terrorist attempts and to all, if we allow
the possibility of a general rising against us, we shall respond with
the guns of America or China or Japan.
Ambiguous employment of juridical
rights. Assistants of the Masonic directorate. Special schools and
super-educational training. Economists and millionaires. To whom to
entrust responsible posts in the government. We must arm ourselves with all the
weapons which our opponents might employ against us. We must search out
in the very finest shades of expression and the knotty points of the
lexicon of law justification for those cases where we shall have to
pronounce judgments that might appear abnormally audacious and unjust,
for it is important that these resolutions should be set forth in
expressions that shall seem to be the most exalted moral principles cast
into legal form. Our directorate must surround itself with all these
forces of civilization among which it will have to work. It will
surround itself with publicists, practical jurists, administrators,
diplomats and, finally, with persons prepared by a special
super-educational training in our special schools. These persons will
have cognizance of all the secrets of the social structure, they will
know all the languages that can be made up by political alphabets and
words; they will be made acquainted with the whole underside of human
nature, with all its sensitive chords on which they will have to play.
These chords are the cast of mind of the goyim, their tendencies,
shortcomings, vices and qualities, the particularities of classes and
conditions. Needless to say that the talented assistants of authority,
of whom I speak, will be taken not from among the goyim, who are
accustomed to perform their administrative work without giving
themselves the trouble to think what its aim is, and never consider what
it is needed for. The administrators of the goyim sign papers without
reading them, and they serve either for mercenary reasons or from
ambition.
We shall surround our government with a
whole world of economists. That is the reason why economic sciences form
the principal subject of the teaching given to the Jews. Around us again
will be a whole constellation of bankers, industrialists, capitalists
and -- the main thing millionaires, because in substance everything will
be settled by the question of figures.
For a time, until there will no longer be
any risk in entrusting responsible posts in our States to our brother
Jews, we shall put them in the hands of persons whose past and
reputation are such that between them and the people lies an abyss,
persons who, in case of disobedience to our instructions, must face
criminal charges or disappear -- this in order to make them defend our
interests to their last gasp. In applying our principles let
attention be paid to the character of the people in whose country you
live and act; a general, identical application of them, until such time
as the people shall have been re-educated to our pattern, cannot have
success. But by approaching their application cautiously you will see
that not a decade will pass before the most stubborn character will
change and we shall add a new people to the ranks of those already
subdued by us.
The words of the liberal, which are in
effect the words of our masonic watchword, namely, "Liberty, Equality,
Fraternity," will, when we come into our kingdom, be changed by us into
words no longer of a watchword, but only an expression of idealism,
namely, into: "The right of liberty, the duty of equality, the ideal of
brotherhood." That is how we shall put it, -- and so we shall catch the
bull by the horns. .... De facto we have already wiped out every kind of
rule except our own, although de jure there still remain a good many of
them. Nowadays, if any States raise a protest against us it is only pro
forma at our discretion and by our direction, for their anti-Semitism is
indispensable tous for the management of our lesser brethren. I will not
enter into further explanations, for this matter has formed the subject
of repeated discussions amongst us.
For us there are no checks to limit the
range of our activity. Our Super-Government subsists in extra legal
conditions which are described in the accepted terminology by the
energetic and forcible word -- Dictatorship. I am in a position to tell
you with a clear conscience that at the proper time we, the lawgivers,
shall execute judgment and sentence, we shall slay and we shall spare,
we, as head of all our troops, are mounted on the steed of the leader.
We rule by force of will, because in our hands are the fragments of a
once powerful party, now vanquished by us. And the weapons in our hands
are limitless ambitions, burning greediness, merciless vengeance,
hatreds and malice.
It is from us that the all-engulfing
terror proceeds. We have in our service persons of all opinions, of all
doctrines, restorating monarchists, demagogues, socialists, communists,
and utopian dreamers of every kind. We have harnessed them all to the
task: each one of them on his own account is boring away at the last
remnants of authority, is striving to overthrow all established form of
order. By these acts all States are in torture; they exhort to
tranquility, are ready to sacrifice everything for peace: but we will
not give them peace until they openly acknowledge our international
Super-Government, and with submissiveness. The people have raised a howl about the necessity of settling the
question of Socialism by way of an international agreement. Division
into fractional parties has given them into our hands, for, in order to
carry on a contested struggle one must have money, and the money is all
in our hands. We might have reason
to apprehend a union between the "clear-sighted" force of the goy kings
on their thrones and the "blind" force of the goy mobs, but we have
taken all the needful measure against any such possibility: between the
one and the other force we have erected a bulwark in the shape of a
mutual terror between them. In this way the blind force of the people
remains our support and we, and we only, shall provide them with a
leader and, of course, direct them along the road that leads to our
goal.
In order that the hand of the blind mob may
not free itself from our guiding hand, we must every now and then enter
into close communion with it, if not actually in person, at any rate
through some of the most trusty of our brethren. When we are
acknowledged as the only authority we shall discuss with the people
personally on the market places, and we shall instruct them on questions
of the political in such wise as may turn them in the direction that
suits us.
Who is going to verify what is taught in
the village schools? But what an envoy of the government or a king on
his throne himself may say cannot but become immediately known to the
whole State, for it will be spread abroad by the voice of the people.
In order not to annihilate the
institutions of the goyim before it is time we have touched them with
craft and delicacy, and have taken hold of the ends of the springs which
move their mechanism. These springs lay in a strict but just sense of
order; we have replaced them by the chaotic license of liberalism. We
have got our hands into the administration of the law, into the conduct
of elections, into the press, into liberty of the person, but
principally into education and training as being the cornerstones of a
free existence.
We have fooled, bemused and corrupted the
youth of the goyim by rearing them in principles and theories which are
known to us to be false although it is by us that they have been
inculcated.
Above the existing laws without
substantially altering them, and by merely twisting them into
contradictions of interpretations, we have erected something grandiose
in the way of results. These results found expression first in the fact
that the interpretations masked the laws: afterwards they entirely hid
them from the eyes of the governments owing to the impossibility of
making anything out of the tangled web of legislation.
This is the origin of the theory of
course of arbitration.
You may say that the goyim will rise upon
us, arms in hand, if they guess what is going on before the time comes;
but in the West we have against this a maneuver of such appalling terror
that the very stoutest hearts quail -- the undergrounds, metropolitans,
those subterranean corridors which, before the time comes, will be
driven under all the capitals and from whence those capitals will be
blown into the air with all their organizations and archives. The outside appearances in the
political. The "genius" of rascality. What is promised by a Masonic
coup d'etat? Universal suffrage. Self-importance. Leaders of
Masonry. The genius who is guide of Masonry. Institutions and their
functions. The poison of liberalism. Constitution a school of party
discords. Era of republics. Presidents -- the puppets of Masonry.
Responsibility of Presidents. "Panama" Part played by chamber of
deputies and president. Masonry --the legislative force. New
republican constitution. Transition to masonic "despotism." Moment
for the proclamation of "The Lord of all the World." Inoculation of
diseases and other wiles of Masonry. To-day I begin with a repetition of
what I said before, and I beg you to bear in mind that governments and
peoples are content in the political with outside appearances. And how,
indeed, are the goyim to perceive the underlying meaning of things when
their representatives give the best of their energies to enjoying
themselves? For Our policy it is of the greatest importance to take
cognizance of this detail; it will be of assistance to us when we come
to consider the division of authority, freedom of speech, of the press,
of religion (faith), of the law of association, of equality before the
law, of the inviolability of property, of the dwelling, of taxation (the
idea of concealed taxes), of the reflex force of the laws. All these
questions are such as ought not to be touched upon directly and openly
before the people. In cases where it is indispensable to touch upon them
they must not be categorically named, it must merely be declared without
detailed exposition that the principles of contemporary law are
acknowledged by us. The reason of keeping silence in this respect is
that by not naming a principle we leave ourselves freedom of action, to
drop this or that out of it without attracting notice; if they were all
categorically named they would all appear to have been already given.
The mob cherishes a special affection and
respect for the geniuses of political power and accepts all their deeds
of violence with the admiring response: "rascally, well, yes, it is
rascally, but it's clever! . . a trick, if you like, but how craftily
played, how magnificently done, what impudent audacity!"
We count upon attracting all nations to the
task of erecting the new fundamental structure, the project for which
has been drawn up by us. This is why, before everything, it is
indispensable for us to arm ourselves and to store up in ourselves that
absolutely reckless audacity and irresistible might of the spirit which
in the person of our active workers will break down all hindrances on
our way.
When we have accomplished our coup d'etat
we shall say then to the various peoples: "Everything has gone terribly
badly, all have been worn out with sufferings. We are destroying the
causes of your torment -- nationalities, frontiers, differences of
coinages. You are at liberty, of course, to pronounce sentence upon us,
but can it possibly be a just one if it is confirmed by you before you
make any trial of what we are offering you." . . .
Then will the mob
exalt us and bear us up in their hands in a unanimous triumph of hopes
and expectations. Voting, which we have made the instrument will set us
on the throne of the world by teaching even the very smallest units of
members of the human race to vote by means of meetings and agreements by
groups, will then have served its purposes and will play its part then
for the last time by a unanimity of desire to make close acquaintance
with us before condemning us. To secure this we must have everybody vote
without distinction of classes and qualifications, in order to establish
an absolute majority, which cannot be got from the educated propertied
classes. In this way, by inculcating in all a sense of self-importance,
we shall destroy among the goyim the importance of the family and its
educational value and remove the possibility of individual minds
splitting off, for the mob, handled by us, will not let them come to the
front nor even give them a hearing; it is accustomed to listen to us
only who pay it for obedience and attention, In this way we shall create
a blind, mighty force which will never be in a position to move in any'
direction without the guidance of our agents set at its head by us as
leaders of the mob. The people will submit to this regime because it
will know that upon these leaders will depend its earnings,
gratifications and the receipt of all kinds of benefits.
A scheme of government should come ready
made from one brain, because it will never be clinched firmly if it is
allowed to be split into fractional parts in the minds of many. It is
allowable, therefore, for us to have cognizance of the scheme of action
but not to discuss it lest we disturb its artfulness, the
interdependence of its component parts, the practical force of the
secret meaning of each clause. To discuss and make alterations in a
labor of this kind by means of numerous voting sis to impress upon it
the stamp of all ratiocinations and misunderstandings which have failed
to penetrate the depth and nexus of its plottings. We want our schemes
to be forcible and suitably concocted. Therefore WE OUGHT NOT TO FLING
THE WORK OF GENIUS OF OUR GUIDE to the fangs of the mob or even of a
select company.
These schemes will not turn existing
institutions upside-down just yet. They will only affect changes in
their economy and consequently in the whole combined movement of their
progress, which will thus be directed along the paths laid down in our
schemes.
Under various names there exists in all
countries approximately one and the same thing. Representation,
Ministry, Senate, State Council, Legislative and Executive Corps. I need
not explain to you the mechanism of the relation of these institutions
to one another, because you are aware of all that; only take note of the
fact that each of the above-named institutions corresponds to some
important function of the State, and I would beg you to remark that the
word "important'' I apply not to the institution but to the function,
consequently it is not the institutions which are important but their
functions. These institutions have divided up among themselves all the
functions of government -- administrative, legislative, executive,
wherefore they have come to operate as do the organs in the human body.
If we injure one part in the machinery of State, the State falls sick,
like a human body, and will die. When we introduced into the State
organism the poison of Liberalism its whole political complexion
underwent a change. States have been seized with a mortal illness --
blood-poisoning. All that remains is to await the end of their death
agony. Liberalism produced Constitutional States, which took the place
of what was the only safeguard of the goyim, namely, Despotism; and a
constitution, as you well know, is nothing else but a school of
discords, misunderstandings, quarrels, disagreements, fruitless party
agitations, party whims --in a word, a school of everything that serves
to destroy the personality of State activity. The tribune of the
"talkeries" has, no less effectively than the Press, condemned the
rulers to inactivity and impotence, and thereby rendered them useless
and superfluous, for which reason indeed they have been in many
countries deposed. Then it was that the era of republics became possible
of realization; and then it was that we replaced the ruler by a
caricature of a government -- by a president, taken from the mob, from
the midst of our puppet creatures, our slaves. This was the foundation
of the mine which we have laid under the goy people, I should rather
say, under the goy peoples.
In the near future we shall establish the
responsibility of presidents.
By that time we shall be in a position to
disregard forms in carrying through matters for which our impersonal
puppet will be responsible. What do we care of the ranks of those
striving for power should be thinned, if there should arise a deadlock
from the impossibility of finding presidents, a deadlock which will
finally disorganize the country? In
order that our scheme may produce this result we shall arrange elections
in favor of such presidents as have in their past some dark,
undiscovered stain, some "Panama" or other --then they will be
trustworthy agents for the accomplishment of our plans out of fear of
revelations and from the natural desire of everyone who has attained
power, namely, the retention of the privileges, advantages and honor
connected with the office of president. The chamber of deputies will
provide cover for, will protect, will elect presidents, but we shall
take from it the right to propose new, or make changes in existing laws,
for this right will be given by us to the responsible president, a
puppet in our hands. Naturally, the authority of the president will then
become a target for every possible form of attack, but we shall provide
him with a means of self-defense in the right of an appeal to the
people, for the decision of the people over the heads of their
representatives, that is to say, an appeal to that same blind slave of
ours -- the majority of the mob. Independently of this we shall invest
the president with the right of declaring a state of war. We shall
justify this last right on the ground that the president as chief of the
whole army of the country must have it at his disposal, in case of need
for the defense of the new republican constitution, the right to defend
which will belong to him as the responsible representative of this
constitution.
It is easy to understand that in these
conditions the key of the shrine will lie in our hands, and no one
outside ourselves will any longer direct the force of legislation.
Besides this we shall, with the introduction of the new republican
constitution, take from the Chamber the right of interpellation on
government measures, on the pretext of preserving political secrecy,
and, further, we shall by the new constitution reduce the number of
representatives to a minimum, thereby proportionately reducing political
passions and the passion for politics. If, however, they should, which
is hardly to be expected, burst into flame, even in this minimum, we
shall nullify them by a stirring appeal and a reference to the majority
of the whole people. . . Upon the president will depend the appointment
of presidents and vice-presidents of the Chamber and the Senate. Instead
of constant sessions of Parliaments we shall reduce their sittings to a
few months. Moreover, the president, as chief of the executive power,
will have the right to summon and dissolve Parliament, and, in the
latter case, to prolong the time for the appointment of a new
parliamentary assembly. But in order that the consequences of all these
acts which in substance are illegal, should not, prematurely for our
plans, fall upon the responsibility established by us of the president,
we shall instigate ministers and other officials of the higher
administration about the president to evade his dispositions by taking
measures of their own, for doing which they will be made the scapegoats
in his place. . . This part we especially recommend to be given to be
played by the Senate, the Council of State, or the Council of Ministers,
but not to an individual official. The president will, at our
discretion, interpret the sense of such of the existing laws as admit of
various interpretation; he will further annul them when we indicate to
him the necessity to do so, besides this, he will have the right to
propose temporary laws, and even new departures in the government
constitutional working, the pretext both for the one and the other being
the requirements for the supreme welfare of the State. By such measures we shall obtain the power of destroying little by
little, step by step, all that at the outset when we enter on our
rights, we are compelled to introduce into the constitutions of States
to prepare for the transition to an imperceptible abolition of every
kind of constitution, and then the time is come to turn every form of
government into our despotism.
The recognition of our despot may also
come before the destruction of the constitution; the moment for this
recognition will come when the peoples, utterly wearied by the
irregularities and incompetence -- a matter which we shall arrange for
-- of their rulers, will clamour: "Away with them and give us one king
over all the earth who will unite us and annihilate the causes of
discords -- frontiers, nationalities, religions, State debts --who will
give us peace and quiet, which we cannot find under our rulers and
representatives."
But you yourselves perfectly well know
that to produce the possibility of the expression of such wishes by all
the nations it is indispensable to trouble in all countries the people's
relations with their governments so as to utterly exhaust humanity with
dissension, hatred, struggle, envy and even by the use of torture, by
starvation, BY THE INOCULATION OF DISEASES, by want, so that the GOYIM
see no other issue than to take refuge in our complete sovereignty in
money and in all else. But if we give the nations of the world a
breathing space the moment we long for is hardly likely ever to arrive.
Program of the new constitution.
Certain details of the proposed revolution. The goyim -- a pack of
sheep. Secret masonry and its "show" lodges. The State Council has been, as it were,
the emphatic expression of the authority of the ruler: it will be, as
the" show" part of the Legislative Corps, what may be called the
editorial committee of the laws and decrees of the ruler.
This, then, is the program of the new
constitution. We shall make Law, Right and Justice (1) in the guise of
proposals to the Legislative Corps, (2) by decrees of the president
under the guise of general regulations, of orders of the Senate and of
resolutions of the State Council in the guise of ministerial orders, (3)
and in case a suitable occasion should arise -- in the form of a
revolution in the State.
Having established approximately the modus
agendi we will occupy ourselves with details of those combinations by
which we have still to complete the revolution in the course of the
machinery of State in the direction already indicated. By these
combinations I mean the freedom of the Press, the right of association,
freedom of conscience, the voting principle, and many another that must
disappear for ever from the memory of man, or undergo a radical
alteration the day after the promulgation of the new constitution. It is
only at that moment that we shall be able at once to announce all our
orders, for, afterwards, every noticeable alteration will be dangerous,
for the following reasons: if this alteration be brought in with harsh
severity and in a sense of severity and limitations, it may lead to a
feeling of despair caused by fear of new alterations in the same
direction; if, on the other hand, it be brought in a sense of further
indulgences it will be said that we have recognized our own wrongdoing
and this will destroy the prestige of the infallibility of our
authority, or else it will be said that we have become alarmed and are
compelled to show a yielding disposition, for which we shall get no
thanks because it will be supposed to be compulsory. . . Both the one
and the other are injurious to the prestige of the new constitution.
What we want is that from the first moment of its promulgation, while
the peoples of the world are still stunned by the accomplished fact of
the revolution, still in a condition of terror and uncertainty, they
should recognize once for all that we are so strong, so inexpugnable, so
superabundantly filled with power, that in no case shall we take any
account of them, and so far from paying any attention to their opinions
or wishes, we are ready and able to crush with irresistible power all
expression or manifestation thereof at every moment and in every place,
that we have seized at once everything we wanted and shall in no case
divide our power with them. . .
Then in fear and trembling they will
close their eyes to everything, and be content to await what will be the
end of it all.
The goyim are a flock of sheep, and we
are their wolves. And you know what happens when the wolves get hold of
the flock?
There is another reason also why they will
close their eyes: for we shall keep promising them to give back all the
liberties we have taken away as soon as we have quelled the enemies of
peace and tamed all parties. . .
It is not worth while to say anything about
how long a time they will be kept waiting for this return of their
liberties For what purpose then have we invented this whole policy and
insinuated it into the minds of the goys without giving them any chance
to examine its underlying meaning? For what, indeed, if not in order to
obtain in a roundabout way what is for our scattered tribe unattainable
by the direct road? It is this which has served as the basis for our
organization of secret masonry which is not known to, and aims which are
not even so much as suspected by, these Goy cattle, attracted by us into
the "Show" army of Masonic Lodges in order to throw dust in the eyes of
their fellows.
God has granted to us, His Chosen People,
the gift of the dispersion, and in this which appears in all eyes to be
our weakness, has come forth all our strength, which has now brought us
to the threshold of sovereignty over all the world.
There now remains not much more for us to
build up upon the foundation we have laid.
Masonic interpretation of the word
"freedom." Future of the press in the masonic kingdom. Control of
the press. Correspondence agencies. What is progress as understood
by masonry? More about the press. Masonic solidarity in the press of
to-day. The arousing of "public" demands in the provinces.
Infallibility of the new regime.
The word "freedom," which can be interpreted
in various ways, is defined by us as follows:--
Freedom is the right to do that which the
law allows. This interpretation of the word will at the proper time be
of service to us, because all freedom will thus be in our hands, since
the laws will abolish or create only that which is desirable for us
according to the aforesaid program.
We shall deal with the press in the
following way: What is the part played by the press today? It serves to
excite and inflame those passions which are needed for our purpose or
else it serves selfish ends of parties. It is often vapid, unjust,
mendacious, and the majority of the public have not the slightest idea
what ends the press really serves. We shall saddle and bridle it with a
tight curb: we shall do the same also with all productions of the
printing press, for where would be the sense of getting rid of the
attacks of the press if we remain targets for pamphlets and books? The
produce of publicity, which nowadays is a source of heavy expense owing
to the necessity of censoring it, will be turned by us into a very
lucrative source of income to our State: we shall lay on it a special
stamp tax and require deposits of caution-money before permitting the
establishment of any organ of the press or of printing offices; these
will then have to guarantee our government against any kind of attack on
the part of the press. For any attempt to attack us, if such still be
possible, we shall inflict fines without mercy. Such measures as stamp
tax, deposits, of caution money and fines secured by these deposits,
will bring in a huge income to the government. It is true that party
organs might not spare money for the sake of publicity, but these we
shall shut up at the second attack upon us. No one shall with impunity
lay a finger on the aureole of our government infallibility. The pretext
for stopping any publication will be the alleged plea that it is
agitating the public mind without occasion or justification. I beg you
to note that among those making attacks upon us will also be organs
established by us, but they will attack exclusively points that we have
pre-determined to alter.
Not a single announcement will reach the
public without our control. Even now this is already attained by us
inasmuch as all news items are received by a few agencies, in whose
offices they are focused from all parts of the world. These agencies
will then be already entirely ours and will give publicity only to what
we dictate to them.
If already now we have contrived to possess
ourselves of the minds of the goy communities to such an extent that
they all come near looking upon the events of the world through the
colored glasses of those spectacles we are setting astride their noses:
if already now there is not a single State where there exist for us any
barriers to admittance into what goy stupidity calls State secrets: what
will our position be then, when we shall be acknowledged supreme lords
of the world in the person of our king of all the world....
Let us turn again to the future of the
printing press. Everyone desirous of being a publisher, librarian, or
printer, will be obliged to provide himself with the diploma instituted
therefore, which, in case of any fault, will be immediately impounded.
With such measures the instrument of thought will become an educative
means in the hands of our government, which will no longer allow the
mass of the nation to be led astray in by-ways and fantasies about the
blessings of progress. Is there any one of us who does not know that
these phantom blessings are the direct roads to foolish imaginings which
give birth to anarchical relations of men among themselves and towards
authority, because progress, or rather the idea of progress, has
introduced the conception of every kind of emancipation, but has failed
to establish its limits. . .
All the so-called liberals are anarchists,
if not in fact, at any rate in thought. Every one of them is hunting
after phantoms of freedom, and falling exclusively into license, that
is, into the anarchy of protest for the sake of protest.
We turn to the periodical press. We shall
impose on it, as on all printed matter, stamp taxes per sheet and
deposits of caution-money, and books of less than 30 sheets will pay
double. We shall reckon them as pamphlets in order, on the one hand, to
reduce the number of magazines, which are the worst form of printed
poison, and, on the other, in order that this measure may force writers
into such lengthy productions that they will belittle read especially as
they will be costly. At the same time what we shall publish ourselves to
influence mental development in the direction laid down for our profit
will he cheap and will be read voraciously. The tax will bring vapid
literary ambitions within bounds and the liability to penalties will
make literary men dependent upon us. And if there should be any found
who are desirous of writing against us, they will not find any person
eager to print their productions. Before accepting any production for
publication in print the publisher or printer will have to apply to the
authorities for permission to do so. Thus we shall know beforehand of
all tricks preparing against us and shall nullify them by getting ahead
with explanations on the subject treated of.
Literature and journalism are two of the
most important educative forces, and therefore our government will
become proprietor of the majority of the journals. This will neutralize
the injurious influence of the privately-owned press and will put us in
possession of the tremendous influence upon the public mind. . .
If we
give permit for ten journals, we shall ourselves found thirty, and so on
the same proportion. This, however, must in nowise be suspected by the
public. For which reason all journals published by us will be of the
most opposite, in appearance, tendencies and opinions, thereby creating
confidence in us and bringing over to us our quite unsuspicious
opponents, who will thus fall into our trap and be rendered harmless.
In the front rank will stand organs of an
official character. They will always stand guard over our interests, and
therefore their influence will comparatively insignificant. In the
second rank will be the semi-official organs, whose part it will be to
attract the tepid and indifferent. In the third rank we shall set up our
own, to all appearance, opposition, which, in at least one of its
organs, will present what looks like the very antipodes to us. Our real
opponents at heart will accept this simulated opposition as their own
and will show us their cards.
All our newspapers will be of all possible
complexions --aristocratic, republican, revolutionary, even anarchical
-- for so long, of course, as the constitution exists. . .
Like the
Indian idol Vishnu they will have a hundred hands, and every one of them
will have a finger on any one of the public opinions as required. When a
pulse quickens these hands will lead opinion in the direction of our
aims, for an excited patient loses all power of judgment and easily
yields to suggestion. Those fools who will think they are repeating the
opinion of a newspaper of their own camp will be repeating our opinion
or any opinion that seems desirable for us. In the vain belief that they
are following the organ of their party they will in fact follow the flag
which we hang out for them.
In order to direct our newspaper militia in
this sense we must take especial and minute care in organizing this
matter. Under the title of central department of the press we shall
institute literary gatherings at which our agents will without
attracting attention issue the orders and watchwords of the day. By
discussing and controverting, but always superficially, without touching
the essence of the matter, our organs will carryon a sham fight
fusillade with the official newspapers solely for the purpose of giving
occasion for us to express ourselves more fully than could well be done
from the outset in official announcements, whenever, of course, that is
to our advantage.
These attacks upon us will also serve
another purpose, namely, that our subjects will be convinced of the
existence of full freedom of speech and so give our agents an occasion
to affirm that all organs which oppose us are empty babblers, since they
are incapable of finding any substantial objections to our orders.
Methods of organization like these,
imperceptible to the public eye but absolutely sure, are the best
calculated to succeed in bringing the attention and the confidence of
the public to the side of our government. Thanks to such methods we
shall be in a position as from time to time may be required, to excite
or to tranquillize the public mind on political questions, to persuade
or to confuse, printing now truth, now lies, facts or their
contradictions, according as they may be well or ill received, always
very cautiously feeling our ground before stepping upon it. . .
We shall
have a sure triumph over our opponents since they will not have at their
disposition organs of the press in which they can give full and final
expression to their views owing to the aforesaid methods of dealing with
the press. We shall not even need to refute them except very
superficially. Trial shots like these, fired by us in the third rank of
our press, in case of need, will be energetically refuted by us in our
semi-official organs.
Even nowadays, already, to take only the
French press, there are forms which reveal masonic solidarity in acting
on the watchword: all organs of the press are bound together by
professional secrecy; like the augurs of old, not one of their numbers
will give away the secret of his sources of information unless it be
resolved to make announcement of them. Not one journalist will venture
to betray this secret, for not one of them is ever admitted to practice
literature unless his whole past has some disgraceful sore or other. . .
These sores would be immediately revealed. So long as they remain the
secret of a few the prestige of the journalist attracts the majority of
the country -- the mob follow after him with enthusiasm.
Our calculations are especially extended to
the provinces. It is indispensable for us to inflame there those hopes
and impulses with which we could at any moment fall upon the capital,
and we shall represent to the capitals that these expressions are the
independent hopes and impulses of the provinces. Naturally, the source
of them will be always one and the same -- ours. What we need is that,
until such time as we are in the plenitude of power, the capitals should
find themselves stifled by the provincial opinion of the nation, i.e.,
of a majority arranged by our agentur. What we need is that at the
psychological moment the capitals should not be in a position to discuss
an accomplished fact for the simple reason, if for no other, that it has
been accepted by the public opinion of a majority in the provinces.
When we are in the period of the new regime
transitional to that of our assumption of full sovereignty must not
admit any revelations by the press of any form of public dishonesty; it
is necessary that the new regime should be thought to have so perfectly
contented everybody that even criminality has disappeared. . .
Cases of
the manifestation of criminality should remain known only to their
victims and to chance witnesses -- no more. The need for daily bread.
Questions of the Political. Questions of industry. Amusements.
People's Palaces. "Truth is One." The great problems.
The need for daily bread forces the goyim
to keep silence and be our humble servants. Agents taken on to our press
from among the goyim will at our orders discuss anything which it is
inconvenient for us to issue directly in official documents, and we
meanwhile, quietly amid the din of the discussion so raised, shall
simply take and carry through such measures as we wish and then offer
them to the public as an accomplished fact. No one will dare to demand
the abrogation of a matter once settled, all the more so as it will be
represented as an improvement. . . And immediately the press will
distract the current of thought towards new questions (have we not
trained people always to be seeking something new?). Into the
discussions of these new questions will throw themselves those of the
brainless dispensers of fortunes who are not able even now to understand
that they have not the remotest conception about the matters which they
undertake to discuss. Questions of the political are unattainable for
any save those who have guided it already for many ages, the creators.
From all this you will see that in
securing the opinion of the mob we are only facilitating the working of
our machinery, and you may remark that it is not for actions but for
words issued by us on this or that question that we seem to seek
approval. We are constantly making public declaration that we are guided
in all our undertakings by the hope, joined to the conviction, that we
are serving the common wealth.
In order to distract people who may be too
troublesome from discussions of questions of the political we are now
putting forward what we allege to be new questions of the political,
namely, questions of industry. In this sphere let them discuss
themselves silly! The masses are agreed to remain inactive, to take a
rest from what they suppose to be political activity which we trained
them to in order to use them as a means of combating the goy
governments) only on condition of being found new employments, in which
we are prescribing them something that looks like the same political
object. In order that the masses themselves may not guess what they are
about we further distract them with amusements, games, pastimes,
passions, people's palaces. . . Soon we shall begin through the press to
propose competitions in art, in sport of all kinds: these interests will
finally distract their minds from questions in which we should find
ourselves compelled to oppose them. Growing more and more disaccustomed
to reflect and form any opinions of their own, people will begin to talk
in the same tone as we, because we alone shall be offering them new
directions for thought of course through such persons as will not be
suspected of solidarity with us.
The part played by the liberals, utopian
dreamers, will be finally played out when our government is
acknowledged. Till such time they will continue to do us good service.
Therefore we shall continue to direct their minds to all sorts of vain
conceptions of fantastic theories, new and apparently progressive: for
have we not with complete success turned the brainless heads of the
goyim with progress, till there it not among the goyim one mind able to
perceive that under this work lies a departure from truth in all cases
where it is not a question of material inventions, for truth is one, and
in it there is no place for progress. Progress, like a fallacious idea,
serves to obscure truth so that none may know it except us, the Chosen
of God, its guardians.
When we come into our kingdom our orators
will expound great problems which have turned humanity upside down in
order to bring it at the end under our beneficent rule. Who will ever
suspect then that all these peoples were stage-managed by us according
to political plan which no one has so much as guessed at in the course
of many centuries? . . .
The religion of the future. Future
conditions of serfdom. Inaccessibility of knowledge regarding the
religion of the future. Pornography and the printed matter of the
future.
When we come into our kingdom it will be
undesirable for us that there should exist any other religion than ours
of the One God with whom our destiny is bound up by our position as the
Chosen People and through whom our same destiny is united with the
destinies of the world. We must therefore sweep away all other forms of
belief. If this gives birth to the atheists whom we see to-day, it will
not, being only a transitional stage, interfere with our views, but will
serve as a warning for those generations which will hearken to our
preaching of the religion of Moses, that, by its stable and thoroughly
elaborated system has brought all the peoples of the world into
subjection to us. Therein we shall emphasize its mystical right, on
which, as we shall say, all its educative power is based. . .
Then at
every possible opportunity we shall publish articles in which we shall
make comparisons between our beneficent rule and those of past ages. The
blessings of tranquility, though it be a tranquility forcibly brought
about by centuries of agitation, will throw into higher relief the
benefits to which we shall point. The errors of the goyim governments
will be depicted by us in the most vivid hues. We shall implant such an
abhorrence of them that the peoples will prefer tranquility in a state
of serfdom to those rights of vaunted freedom which have tortured
humanity and exhausted the very sources of human existence, sources
which have been exploited by a mob of rascally adventurers who know not
what they do. . .
Useless changes of forms of government to which we
instigated the GOYIM when we were undermining their state structures,
will have so wearied the peoples by that time that they will prefer to
suffer anything under us rather than run the risk of enduring again all
the agitations and miseries they have gone through.
At the same time we shall not omit to
emphasize the historical mistakes of the goy governments which have
tormented humanity for so many centuries by their lack of understanding
of everything that constitutes the true good of humanity in their chase
after fantastic schemes of social blessings, and have never noticed that
these schemes kept on producing a worse and never a better state of the
universal relations which are the basis of human life. . .
The whole force of our principles and
methods will lie in the fact that we shall present them and expound them
as a splendid contrast to the dead and decomposed old order of things in
social life.
Our philosophers will discuss all the
shortcomings of the various beliefs of the GOYIM, but no one will ever
bring under discussion our faith from its true point of view since this
will be fully learned by none save ours, who will never dare to betray
its secrets.
In countries known as progressive and
enlightened we have created a senseless, filthy, abominable literature.
For some time after our entrance to power we shall continue to encourage
its existence in order to provide a telling relief by contrast to the
speeches, party program, which will be distributed from exalted quarters
of ours. Our wise men, trained to become leaders of the goyim, will
compose speeches, projects, memoirs, articles, which will be used by us
to influence the minds of the goyim, directing them towards such
understanding and forms of knowledge as have been determined by us. One-day coup d'etat (revolution)
over all the world. Executions. Future lot of goyim-masons. Mysticism
of authority. Multiplication of masonic lodges. Central governing
board of masonic elders. The "Azev-tactics." Masonry as leader and
guide of all secret societies. Significance of public applause.
Collectivism. Victims. Executions of masons. Fall of the prestige of
laws and authority. Our position as the Chosen people. Brevity and
clarity of the laws of the kingdom of the future. Obedience to
orders. Measures against abuse of authority. Severity of penalties.
Age-limit for judges. Liberalism of judges and authorities. The
money of all the world. Absolutism of masonry. Right of appeal.
Patriarchal "outside appearance" of the power of the future "ruler."
Apotheosis of the ruler. The right of the strong as the one and only
right. The King of Israel. Patriarch of all the world.
When we at last definitely come into our
kingdom by the aid of coups d'etat prepared everywhere for one and the
same day, after the worthlessness of all existing forms of government
has-been definitely acknowledged (and not a little time will pass before
that comes about, perhaps even a whole century) we shall make it our
task to see that against us such things as plots shall no longer exist.
With this purpose we shall slay without mercy all who take arms (in
hand) to oppose our coming into our kingdom. Every kind of new
institution of anything like a secret society will also be punished with
death; those of them which are now in existence, are known to us, serve
us and have served us, we shall disband and send into exile to
continents far removed from Europe. In this way we shall proceed with
those GOY masons who know too much; such of these as we may for some
reason spare will be kept in constant fear of exile. We shall promulgate
a lawmaking all former members of secret societies liable to exile from
Europe as the centre of our rule.
Resolutions of our government will be
final, without appeal. In the goy societies, in which we have planted
and deeply rooted discord and Protestantism, the only possible way of
restoring order is to employ merciless measures that prove the direct
force of authority: no regard must be paid to the victims who fall, they
suffer for the well being of the future. The attainment of that
well-being, even at the expense of sacrifices, is the duty of any kind
of government that acknowledges as justification for its existence not
only its privileges but its obligations. The principal guarantee of
stability of rule is to confirm the aureole of power, and this aureole
is attained only by such a majestic inflexibility of might as shall
carry on its face the emblems of inviolability from mystical causes --
from the choice of God. Such was, until recent times, the Russian
autocracy, the one and only serious foe we had in the world, without
counting the Papacy. Bear in mind the example when Italy, drenched with
blood, never touched a hair of the head of Sulla who had poured forth
that blood: Sulla enjoyed an apotheosis for his might in the eyes of the
people, though they had been torn in pieces by him, but his intrepid
return to Italy ringed him round with inviolability. The people do not
lay a finger on him who hypnotizes them by his daring and strength of
mind.
Meantime, however, until we come into our
kingdom, we shall act in the contrary way: we shall create and multiply
freemasonic lodges in all the countries of the world, absorb into them
all who may become or who are prominent in public activity, for in these
lodges we shall find our principal intelligence office and means of
influence. All these lodges we shall bring under one central
administration, known to us alone and to all others absolutely unknown,
which will be composed of our learned elders. The lodges will have their
representatives who will serve to screen the above-mentioned
administration of masonry and from whom will issue the watchword and
program. In these lodges we shall tie together the knot which binds
together all revolutionary and liberal elements. Their composition will
be made up of all strata of society. The most secret political plots
will be known to us and will fall under our guiding hands on the very
day of their conception. Among the members of these lodges will be
almost all the agents of international and national police since their
service is for us irreplaceable in the respect that the police is in a
position not only to use its own particular measures with the
insubordinate, but also to screen our activities and provide pretexts
for discontents, et cetera.
The class
of people who most willingly enter into secret societies are those who
live by their wits, careerists, and in general people, mostly
light-minded, with whom we shall have no difficulty in dealing and in
using to wind up the mechanism of the machine devised by us. If this
world grows agitated the meaning of that will be that we have had to
stir it up in order to break up its too great solidarity. But if there
should arise in its midst a plot, then at the head of that plot will be
no other than one of our most trusted servants. It is natural that we
and no other should lead masonic activities, for we know whither we are
leading, we know the final goal of every form of activity whereas the
goyim have knowledge of nothing, not even of the immediate effect of
action; they put before themselves, usually, the momentary reckoning of
the satisfaction of their self-opinion in the accomplishment of their
thought without even remarking that the very conception never belonged
to their initiative but to our instigation of their thought. . .
.
The goyim enter the lodges out of
curiosity or in the hope by their means to get a nibble at the public
pie, and some of them in order to obtain a hearing before the public for
their impracticable and groundless fantasies: they thirst for the
emotion of success and applause, of which we are remarkably generous.
And the reason why we give them this success is to make use of the high
conceit of themselves to which it gives birth, for that insensibly
disposes them to assimilate our suggestions without being on their guard
against them in the fullness of their confidence that it is their own
infallibility which is giving utterance to their own thoughts and that
it is impossible for them to borrow those of others. . .
You cannot imagine to what extent the
wisest of the goyim can be brought to a state of unconscious naiveté in
the presence of this condition of high conceit of themselves, and at the
same time how easy it is to take the heart out of them by the slightest
ill-success, though it be nothing more than the stoppage of the applause
they had, and to reduce them to a slavish submission for the sake of
winning a renewal of success. . . By so much as ours disregard success
if only they can carry through their plans. By so much the GOYIM are
willing to sacrifice any plans only to have success. This psychology of
theirs materially facilitates for us the task of setting them in the
required direction. These tigers in appearance have the souls of sheep
and the wind blows freely through their heads. We have set them on the
hobby-horse of an idea about the absorption of individuality by the
symbolic unit of collectivism. They have never yet and they never will
have the sense to reflect that this hobby horse is a manifest violation
of the most important law of nature, which has established from the very
creation of the world one unit unlike another and precisely for the
purpose of instituting individuality. If we have been able to bring them to such a pitch of stupid blindness
is it not a proof, and an amazingly clear proof, of the degree to which
the mind of the goyim is undeveloped in comparison with our mind? This
it is, mainly, which guarantees our success.
And how far-seeing were our learned
elders in ancient times when they said that to attain a serious end it
behooves not to stop at any means or to count the victims sacrificed for
the sake of that end. . .
We have not counted the victims of the seed of
the goy cattle, though we have sacrificed many of our own, but for that
we have now already given them such a position on the earth as they
could not even have dreamed of. The comparatively small numbers of the
victims from the number of ours have preserved our nationality from
destruction. Death is the inevitable end for all. It is better to bring
that end nearer to those who hinder our affairs than to ourselves, to
the founders of this affair. We execute masons in such wise that none
save the brotherhood can ever have a suspicion of it, not even the
victims themselves of our death sentence, they all die when required as
if from a normal kind of illness. Knowing this, even the brotherhood in
its turn dare not protest. By such methods we have plucked out of the
midst of masonry the very root of protest against our disposition. While
preaching liberalism to the goyim we at the same time keep our own
people and our agents in a state of unquestioning submission.
Under our influence the execution of the
laws of the goyim has been reduced to a minimum. The prestige of the law
has been exploded by the liberal interpretations introduced into this
sphere. In the most important and fundamental affairs and questions
judges decide as we dictate to them, see matters in the light wherewith
we enfold them for the administration of the goyim, of course, through
persons who are our tools though we do not appear to have anything in
common with them -- by newspaper opinion or by other means. Even
senators and the higher administration accept our counsels. The purely
brute mind of the goyim is incapable of use for analysis and
observation, and still more for the foreseeing whither a certain manner
of setting a question may tend.
In this difference in capacity for
thought between the goyim and ourselves may be clearly discerned the
seal of our position on the Chosen People and of our higher quality of
humanness, in contra-distinction to the brute mind of the goyim. Their
eyes are open, but see nothing before them and do not invent (unless,
perhaps, material things). From this it is plain that nature herself has
destined us to guide and rule the world.
When comes the time of our overt rule,
the time to manifest its blessings, we shall remake all legislatures,
all our laws will be brief, plain, stable, without any kind of
interpretations, so that anyone will be in a position to know them
perfectly. The main feature which will run right through them is
submission to orders, and this principle will be carried to a grandiose
height. Every abuse will then disappear inconsequence of the
responsibility of all down to the lowest unit before the higher
authority of the representative of power. Abuses of power subordinate to
this last instance will be so mercilessly punished that none will be
found anxious to try experiments with their own powers. We shall follow
up jealously every action of the administration on which depends the
smooth running of the machinery of the State, for slackness in this
produces slackness everywhere; not a single case of illegality or abuse
of power will be left without exemplary punishment.
Concealment of guilt, connivance between
those in the service of the administration -- all this kind of evil will
disappear after the very first examples of severe punishment. The
aureole of our power demands suitable, that is, cruel, punishments for
the slightest infringement, for the sake of gain, of its supreme
prestige. The sufferer, though his punishment may exceed his fault, will
count as a soldier falling on the administrative field of battle in the
interest of authority, principle and law, which do not permit that any
of those who hold the reins of the public coach should turn aside from
the public highway to their own private paths. For example: our judges
will know that whenever they feel disposed to plume themselves on
foolish clemency they are violating the law of justice which is
instituted for the exemplary edification of men by penalties for lapses
and not for display of the spiritual qualities of the judge. . . Such
qualities it is proper to show in private life, but not in a public
square which is the education basis of human life.
Our legal staff will
serve not beyond the age of 55, firstly because old men more obstinately
hold to prejudiced opinions, and are less capable of submitting to new
directions, and secondly because this will give us the possibility by
this measure of securing elasticity in the changing of staff, which will
thus the more easily bend under our pressure: he who wishes to keep his
place will have to give blind obedience to deserve it. In general, our
judges will be elected by us only from among those who thoroughly
understand that the part they have to play is to punish and apply laws
and not to dream about the manifestations of liberalism at the expense
of the educationary scheme of the State, as the goyim in these days
imagine it to be. . . This method of shuffling the staff will serve also
to explode any collective solidarity of those in the same service and
will bind all to the interests of the government upon which their fate
will depend. The young generation of judges will be trained in certain
views regarding the inadmissibility of any abuses that might disturb the
established order of our subjects among themselves.
In these days the judges of the goyim
create indulgences to every kind of crimes, not having a just
understanding of their office, because the rulers of the present age in
appointing judges to office take no care to inculcate in them a sense of
duty and consciousness of the matter which is demanded of them. As a
brute beast lets out its young in search of prey, so do the goyim give
their subjects places of profit without thinking to make clear to them
for what purpose such place was created. This is the reason why their
governments are being ruined by their own forces through the acts of
their own administration.
Let us borrow from the example of the
results of these actions yet another lesson for our government.
We shall root out liberalism from all the
important strategic posts of our government on which depends the
training of subordinates for our State structure. Such posts will fall
exclusively to those who have been trained by us for administrative
rule. To the possible objection that the retirement of old servants will
cost the Treasury heavily, I reply, firstly, they will be provided with
some private service in place of what they lose, and, secondly, I have
to remark that all the money in the world will be concentrated in our
hands, consequently it is not our government that has to fear expense.
Our absolutism will in all things be
logically consecutive and therefore in each one of its decrees our
supreme will will be respected and unquestionably fulfilled: it will
ignore all murmurs, all discontents of every kind and will destroy to
the root every kind of manifestation of them in act by punishment of an
exemplary character. We shall abolish the right of cassation,
which will be transferred exclusively to our disposal -- to the
cognizance of him who rules, for we must not allow the conception among
the people of a thought that there could be such a thing as a decision
that is not right of judges set up by us. If, however, anything like
this should occur, we shall ourselves cassate the decision, but inflict
therewith such exemplary punishment on the judge for lack of
understanding of his duty and the purpose of his appointment as will
prevent a repetition of such cases. I repeat that it must be borne in
mind that we shall know every step of our administration which only
needs to be closely watched for the people to be content with us, for it
has the right to demand from a good government a good official. Our government will have the appearance of a patriarchal paternal
guardianship on the part of our ruler. Our own nation and our subjects
will discern in his person a father caring for their every need, their
every act, their every inter-relation as subjects one with another, as
well as their relations to the ruler. They will then be so thoroughly
imbued with the thought that it is impossible for them to dispense with
this wardship and guidance, if the wish to live in piece and quiet, that
they will acknowledge the autocracy of our ruler with a devotion
bordering on APOTHEOSIS, especially when they are convinced that those
whom we set up do not put their own in place of his authority, but only
blindly execute his dictates. They will be rejoiced that we have
regulated everything in their lives as is done by wise parents who
desire to train their children in the cause of duty and submission, For
the peoples of the world in regard to the secrets of our polity are ever
through the ages only children under age, precisely as are also their
governments.
As you see, I found our despotism on
right and duty: the right to compel the execution of duty is the direct
obligation of a government which is a father for its subjects. It has
the right of the strong that it may use it for the benefit of directing
humanity towards that order which is defined by nature, namely,
submission. Everything in the world is in a state of submission, if not
to man, then to circumstances or its own inner character, in all cases,
to what is stronger. And so shall we be this something stronger for the
sake of good.
We are obliged without hesitation to
sacrifice individuals, who commit a breach of established order, for in
the exemplary punishment of evil lies a great educational problem.
When the King of Israel sets upon his sacred head the crown offered
him by Europe he will become patriarch of the world. The indispensable
victims offered by him in consequence of their suitability will never
reach the number of victims offered in the course of centuries by the
mania of magnificence, the emulation between the goy governments.
Our King will be in constant communion with
the peoples, making to them from the tribune speeches which fame will in
that same hour distribute over all the world. Emasculation of the universities.
Substitute for classicism. Training and calling. Advertisement of
the authority of "the ruler" in the schools. Abolition of freedom of
instruction. New Theories. Independence of thought. Teaching by
object lessons.
In order to effect the destruction of all
collective forces except ours we shall emasculate the first stage of
collectivism -- the universities, by re-educating them in a new
direction. Their officials and professors will be prepared for their
business by detailed secret programs of action from which they will not
with immunity diverge, not by one iota. They will be appointed with
especial precaution, and will be so placed as to be wholly dependent
upon the Government.
We shall exclude from the course of
instruction State Law as also all that concerns the political question.
These subjects will be taught to a few dozens of persons chosen for
their pre-eminent capacities from among the number of the initiated. The
universities must no longer send out from their halls milksops
concocting plans for a constitution, like a comedy or a tragedy, busying
themselves with questions of policy in which even their own fathers
never had any power of thought.
The ill-guided acquaintance of a large
number of persons with questions of polity creates utopian dreamers and
bad subjects, as you can see for yourselves from the example of the
universal education in this direction of the goyim. We must introduce
into their education all those principles which have so brilliantly
broken up their order. But when we are in power we shall remove every
kind of disturbing subject from the course of education and shall make
out of the youth obedient children of authority, loving him who rules as
the support and hope of peace and quiet. Classicism, as also any form of study of ancient history, in which there
are more bad than good examples, we shall replace with the study of the
program of the future. We shall erase from the memory of men all facts
of previous centuries which are undesirable to us, and leave only those
which depict all the errors of the governments of the goyim. The study
of practical life, of the obligations of order, of the relations of
people one to another, of avoiding bad and selfish examples which spread
the infection of evil, and similar questions of an educative nature,
will stand in the forefront of the teaching program, which will be drawn
up on a separate plan for each calling or slate of life, in no wise
generalizing the teaching. This treatment of the question has special
importance.
Each state of life must be trained within
strict limits corresponding to its destination and work in life. The
occasional genius has always managed and always will manage to slip
through into other states of life but it is the most perfect folly for
the sake of this rare occasional genius to let through into ranks
foreign to them the untalented who thus rob of their places those who
belong to those ranks by birth or employment. You know yourselves in
what all this has ended for the goyim who allowed this crying absurdity.
We shall abolish every kind of freedom of
instruction. Learners of all ages will have the right to assemble
together with their parents in the educational establishments as it were
in a club: during these assemblies, on holydays, teachers will read what
will pass as free lectures on questions of human relations, of the laws
of examples, of the limitations which are born of unconscious relations,
and, finally, of the philosophy of new theories not yet declared to the
world. These theories will be raised by us to the stage of a dogma of
faith as a transitional stage towards our faith. On the completion of
this exposition of our program of action in the present and the future I
will read you the principles of these theories.
In a word, knowing by the experience of
many centuries that people live and are guided by ideas, that these
ideas are imbibed by people only by the aid of education provided with
equal success for all ages of growth, but of course by varying methods,
we shall swallow up and confiscate to our own use the last scintilla of
independence of thought, which we have for long past been directing
towards subjects and ideas useful for us. The system of bridling thought
is already at work in the so-called system of teaching by object
lessons, the purpose of which is to turn the goyim into unthinking
submissive brutes waiting for things to be presented before their eyes
in order to form an idea of them. . . In France, one of four best
agents, Bourgeois, has already made public a new program of teaching by
object lessons.
Advocacy. Influence of the
priesthood of the goyim. Freedom of conscience. Papal Court. King of
the Jews as Patriarch-Pope. How to fight the existing Church.
Function of contemporary press. Organization of police. Volunteer
police. Espionage on the pattern of the kabal espionage. Abuses of
authority.
The practice of advocacy produces men cold,
cruel, persistent, unprincipled, who in all cases take up an impersonal
purely legal standpoint. They have the inveterate habit to refer
everything to its value for the defense, not to the public welfare of
its results. They do not usually decline to undertake any defense
whatever, they strive for an acquittal at all costs, cavilling over
every petty crux of jurisprudence and thereby they demoralize justice.
For this reason we shall set this profession into narrow frames which
will keep it inside this sphere of executive public service. Advocates,
equally with judges, will be deprived of the right of communication with
litigants; they will receive business only from the court and will study
it by notes off report and documents, defending their clients after they
have been interrogated in court on facts that have appeared. They will
receive an honorarium without regard to the quality of the defense. This
will render them mere reporters on law-business in the interests of
justice and as counterpoise to the proctor who will be the reporter in
the interests of prosecution; this will shorten business before the
courts. In this way will be established a practice of honest
unprejudiced defense conducted not from personal interest but by
conviction. This will also, by the way, remove the present practice of
corrupt bargain between advocates to agree only to let that side win
which pays most. . .
We have long past taken care to discredit
the priesthood of the goyim, and thereby to ruin their mission on earth
which in these days might still be a great hindrance to us. Day by day
its influence on the peoples of the world is falling lower. Freedom of
conscience has been declared everywhere, so that now only years divide
us from the moment of the complete wrecking of that Christian religion,
as to other religions we shall have still less difficulty in dealing
with them, but it would be premature to speak of this now. We shall set
clericalism and clericals into such narrow frames as to make their
influence move in retrogressive proportion to its former progress.
When the time comes finally to destroy the
papal court the finger of an invisible hand will point the nations
towards this court. When, however, the nations fling themselves upon it,
we shall come forward in the guise of its defenders as if to save
excessive bloodshed. By this diversion we shall penetrate to its very
bowels and be sure we shall never come out again until we have gnawed
through the entire strength of this place.
The King of the Jews will be the real Pope
of the Universe, the patriarch of an international Church.
But, in the meantime, while we are
re-educating youth in new traditional religions and afterwards in ours,
we shall not overtly lay a finger on existing churches but we shall
fight against them by criticism calculated to produce schism.
In general, then, our contemporary press
will continue to convict State affairs, religions, incapacities of the
goyim, always using the most unprincipled expressions in order by every
means to lower their prestige in the manner which can only be practiced
by the genius of our gifted tribe.
Our kingdom will be an apologia of the
divinity Vishnu, in whom is found its personification -- in our hundred
hands will be, one in each, the springs of the machinery of social life.
We shall see everything without the aid of official police which, in
that scope of its rights which we elaborated for the use of the goyim,
hinders governments from seeing. In our program one-third of our
subjects will keep the rest under observation from a sense of duty, on
the principle of volunteer service to the State. It will then be no
disgrace to be a spy and informer, but a merit: unfounded denunciations,
however, will be cruelly punished that there may be no development of
abuses of this right.
Our agents will be taken from the higher as
well as the lower ranks of society, from among the administrative class
who spend their time in amusements, editors, printers and publishers,
booksellers, clerks, and salesmen, workmen, coachmen, lackeys, etcetera.
This body, having no rights and not being empowered to take any action
on their own account, and consequently a police without any power, will
only witness and report: verification of their reports and arrests will
depend upon a responsible group of controllers of police affairs, while
the actual act of arrest will be performed by the gendarmerie and the
municipal police. Any person not denouncing anything seen or heard
concerning questions of polity will also be charged with and made
responsible for concealment, if it be proved that he is guilty of this
crime.
Just as nowadays our brethren are obliged at
their own risk to denounce to the kabal apostates of their own family or
members who have been noticed doing anything in opposition to the kabal,
so in our kingdom over all the world it will be obligatory for all our
subjects to observe the duty of service to the State in this direction.
Such an organization will extirpate abuses of authority, of force,
of bribery, everything in fact which we by our counsel, by our theories
of the superhuman rights of man, have introduced into the customs of the
goyim. . .
But how else were we to procure that increase of causes
predisposing to disorders in the midst of their administration? . . .
Among the number of those methods one of the most important is -- agents
for the restoration of order, so placed as to have the opportunity in
their disintegrating activity of developing and displaying their evil
inclinations -- obstinate self-conceit, irresponsible exercise of
authority, and, first and foremost, venality. Measures of secret defense.
Observation of conspiracies from the inside. Overt secret defense --
the ruin of authority, Secret defense of the King of the Jews.
Mystical prestige of authority. Arrest on the first suspicion. When it becomes necessary for us to
strengthen the strict measures of secret defense (the most fatal poison
for the prestige of authority) we shall arrange a simulation of
disorders or some manifestation of discontents finding expression
through the co-operation of good speakers. Round these speakers will
assemble all who are sympathetic to his utterances. This will give us
the pretext for domiciliary perquisitions and surveillance on the part
of our servants from among the number of the goyim police. It
must be remembered that the prestige of authority is lessened if it
frequently discovers conspiracies against itself: this implies a
presumption of consciousness of weakness, or, what is still worse, of
injustice. You are aware that we have broken the prestige of the goy
kings by frequent attempts upon their lives through our agents, blind
sheep of our flock, who are easily moved by a few liberal phrases to
crimes provided only they be painted in political colors. We have
compelled the rulers to acknowledge their weakness in advertising overt
measures of secret defense and thereby we shall bring the promise of
authority to destruction. Our ruler will be secretly protected only
by the most insignificant guard, because we shall not admit so much as a
thought that there could exist against him any sedition with which he is
not strong enough to contend and is compelled to hide from it.
If we should admit this thought, as the
goyim have done and are doing, we should ipso facto be signing a death
sentence, if not for our ruler, at any rate for his dynasty, at no
distant date.
According to strictly enforced outward
appearances our ruler will employ his power only for the advantage of
the nation and in no wise for his own or dynastic profits. Therefore,
with the observance of this decorum, his authority will be respected and
guarded by the subjects themselves, it will receive an apotheosis in the
admission that with it is bound up the well-being of every citizen of
the State, for upon it will depend all order in the common life of the
pack.
Overt defense of the kind argues weakness in
the organization of his strength.
Our ruler will always among the people be
surrounded by a mob of apparently curious men and women, who will occupy
the front ranks about him, to all appearance by chance, and will
restrain the ranks the rest out of respect as it will appear for good
order. This will sow an example of restraint also in others. If a
petitioner appears among the people trying to hand a petition and
forcing his way through the ranks, the first ranks must receive the
petition and before the eyes of the petitioner pass it to the ruler, so
that all may know that what is handed in reaches its destination, that,
consequently, there exists a control of the ruler himself. The aureole
of power requires for its existence that the people may be able to say:
"If the king knew of this," or: "the king will hear of it."
With the establishment of official secret
defense the mystical prestige of authority disappears: given a certain
audacity, and everyone counts himself master of it, the sedition-monger
is conscious of his strength, and when occasion serves watches for the
moment to make an attempt upon authority. . .
For the goyim we have been
preaching something else, but by that very fact we are enabled to see
what measures of overt defense have brought them to. Criminals with us
will be arrested at the first more or less well-grounded suspicion; it
cannot be allowed that out of fear of a possible mistake an opportunity
should be given of escape to persons suspected of a political lapse or
crime, for in these matters we shall be literally merciless. If it is
still possible, by stretching a point, to admit a reconsideration of the
motive causes in simple crime, there is no possibility of excuse for
persons occupying themselves with questions in which nobody except the
government can understand anything. . .
And it is not all governments
that understand true policy. The right of presenting petitions
and projects. Sedition. Indictment of political crimes.
Advertisement of political crimes.
If we do not permit any independent
dabbling in the political we shall on the other hand encourage every
kind of report or petition with proposals for the government to examine
into all kinds of projects for the amelioration of the condition of the
people; this will reveal to us the defects or else the fantasies of our
subjects, to which we shall respond either by accomplishing them or by a
wise rebutment to prove the short-sightedness of one who judges wrongly.
Sedition-mongering is nothing more than
the yapping of a lap-dog at an elephant. For a government well
organized, not from the police but from the public point of view, the
lap-dog yaps at the elephant in entire unconsciousness of its strength
and importance. It needs no more than to take a good example to show the
relative importance of both and the lap-dogs will cease to yap and will
wag their tails the moment they set eyes on an elephant. In order to destroy the prestige of heroism for political crime we shall
send it for trial in the category of thieving, murder, and every kind of
abominable and filthy crime. Public opinion will then confuse in its
conception this category of crime with the disgrace attaching to every
other and will brand it with the same contempt. We have done our best, and I hope we have succeeded to obtain that the
goyim should not arrive at this mean of contending with sedition. It was
for this reason that through the Press and in speeches, indirectly -- in
cleverly compiled schoolbooks on history, we have advertised the
martyrdom alleged to have been accepted by sedition-mongers for the idea
of the commonwealth. This advertisement has increased the contingent of
liberals and has brought thousands of goyim into the ranks of our
livestock cattle.
Financial program. Progressive
tax. Stamp progressive taxation. Exchequer, interest-bearing papers
and stagnation of currency. Method of accounting. Abolition of
ceremonial displays. Stagnation of capital. Currency issue. Gold
standard. Standard of cost of working man power. Budget. State
loans. One per cent interest series. Industrial shares. Rulers of
the goyim: courtiers and favoritism, masonic agents.
To-day we shall touch upon the financial
program, which I put off to the end of my report as being the most
difficult, the crowning and the decisive point of our plans. Before
entering upon it I will remind you that I have already spoken before
byway of a hint when I said that the sum total of our actions is settled
by the question of figures. When we come into our kingdom our
autocratic government will avoid, from a principle of self-preservation,
sensibly burdening the masses of the people with taxes, remembering that
it plays the part of father and protector. But as State organization
costs dear it is necessary nevertheless to obtain the funds required for
it. It will, therefore, elaborate with particular precaution the
question of equilibrium in this matter.
Our rule, in which the king will enjoy the
legal fiction that everything in his State belongs to him (which may
easily be translated into fact), will be enabled to resort to the lawful
confiscation of all sums of every kind for the regulation of their
circulation in the State. From this follows that taxation will best be
covered by a progressive tax on property. In this manner the dues will
be paid without straitening or ruining anybody in the form of a
percentage of the amount of property. The rich must be aware that it is
their duty to place a part of their superfluities at the disposal of the
State since the State guarantees them security of possession of the rest
of their property and the right of honest gains, I say honest, for the
control over property will do away with robbery on a legal basis.
This social reform must come from above, for
the time is ripe for it -- it is indispensable as a pledge of peace.
The tax upon the poor man is a seed of
revolution and works to the detriment of the state which in hunting
after the trifling is missing the big. Quite apart from this, a tax on
capitalists diminishes the growth of wealth in private hands in which we
have in these days concentrated it as a counterpoise to the government
strength of the goyim -- their State finances.
A tax increasing in a percentage ratio to
capital will give a much larger venue than the present individual or
property tax, which is useful to us now for the sole reason that it
excites trouble and discontent among the goyim.
The force upon which our king will rest
consist in the equilibrium and the guarantee of peace, for the sake of
which things it is indispensable that the capitalists should yield up a
portion of their incomes for the sake of the secure working of the
machinery of the State. State needs must be paid by those who will not
feel the burden and have enough to take from.
Such a measure will destroy the hatred of
the poor man for the rich, in whom he will see a necessary financial
support for the State, will see in him the organizer of peace and
well-being since he will see that it is the rich man who is paying the
necessary means to attain these things.
In order that payers of the educated classes
should not too much distress themselves over the new payments they will
have full accounts given them of the destination of those payments, with
the exception of such sums as well be appropriated for the needs of the
throne and the administrative institutions.
He who reigns will not have any properties
of his own once all in the State represents his patrimony, or else the
one would-be in contradiction to the other; the fact of holding private
means would destroy the right of property in the common possessions of
all.
Relatives of him who reigns, his heirs
excepted, who will be maintained by the resources of the State, must
enter the ranks of servants of the State or must work to obtain the
right to property; the privilege of royal blood must not serve for the
spoiling of the treasury.
Purchase, receipt of money or inheritance
will be subject to the payment of a stamp progressive tax. Any transfer
of property, whether money or other, without evidence of payment of this
tax which will be strictly registered by names, will render the former
holder liable to pay interest on the tax from the moment of transfer of
these sums up to the discovery of his evasion of declaration of the
transfer. Transfer documents must be presented weekly at the local
treasury office with notifications of the name, surname and permanent
place of residence of the former and the new holder of the property.
This transfer with register of names must begin from a definite sum
which exceeds the ordinary expenses of buying and selling of
necessaries, and these will be subject to payment only by a stamp impost
of a definite percentage of the unit.
The State exchequer will have to maintain a
definite complement of reserve sums, and all that is collected above
that complement must be returned into circulation. On these sums will be
organized public works. The initiative in works of this kind, proceeding
from State sources, will bind the working class firmly to the interests
of the State and to those who reign. From these same sums also a part
will be set aside as rewards of inventiveness and productiveness.
On no account should so much as a single
unit above the definite and freely estimated sums be retained in the
State treasuries, for money exists to be circulated and any kind of
stagnation of money acts ruinously on the running of the State
machinery, for which it is the lubricant; a stagnation of the lubricant
may stop the regular working of the mechanism.
The substitution of interest-bearing paper
for a part of the token of exchange has produced exactly this
stagnation. The consequences of this circumstance are already
sufficiently noticeable.
A court of account will also be instituted
by us and in it the ruler will find at any moment a full accounting for
State income and expenditure, with the exception of the current monthly
account, not yet made up, and that of the preceding month, which will
not yet have been delivered.
The one and only person who will have no
interest in robbing the State is its owner, the ruler. This is why his
personal control will remove the possibility of leakages of
extravagances.
The representative function of the ruler at
receptions for the sake of etiquette, which absorbs so much invaluable
time, will be abolished in order that the ruler may have time for
control and consideration. His power will not then be split up into
fractional parts among time-serving favorites who surround the throne
for its pomp and splendor, and are interested only in their own and not
in the common interests of the State.
Economic crises have been produced by us
from the goyim by no other means than the withdrawal of money from
circulation. Huge capitals have stagnated, withdrawing money from
States, which were constantly obliged to apply to those same stagnant
capitals for loans. These loans burdened the finances of the State with
the payment of interest and made them the bond slaves of these capitals.
. . The concentration of industry in the hands of capitalists out of the
hands of small masters has drained away all the juices of the peoples
and with them also of the States.
The present issue of money in general does
not correspond with the requirements per head, and cannot therefore
satisfy all the needs of the workers. The issue of money ought to
correspond with the growth of population and thereby children also must
absolutely be reckoned as consumers of currency from the day of their
birth. The revision of issue is a material question for the whole world.
You are aware that the gold standard has
been the ruin of the States which adopted it, for it has not been able
to satisfy the demands for money, the more so that we have removed gold
from circulation as far as possible.
With us the standard that must be introduced
is the cost of working-man power, whether it be reckoned in paper or in
wood. We shall make the issue of money in accordance with the normal
requirements of each subject, adding to the quantity with every birth
and subtracting with every death.
The accounts will be managed by each
department (the French administrative division), each circle.
In order that there may be no delays in
paying out of money for State needs the sums and terms of such payments
will be fixed by decree of the ruler; this will do away with the
protection by a ministry of one institution to the detriment of others.
The budgets of income and expenditure will
be carried outside by side that they may not be obscured by distance one
to another.
The reforms projected by us in the financial
institutions and principles of the goyim will be clothed by us in such
forms as will alarm nobody. We shall point out the necessity of reforms
in consequence of the disorderly darkness into which the goyim by their
irregularities have plunged the finances. The first irregularity, as we
shall point out, consists in their beginning with drawing up a single
budget which year after year grows owing to the following cause: this
budget is dragged out to half the year, then they demand a budget to put
things right, and this they expend in three months, after which they ask
for a supplementary budget, and all this ends with a liquidation budget.
But, as the budget of the following year is drawn up in accordance with
the sum of the total addition, the annual departure from the normal
reaches as much as 50 percent in a year, and so the annual budget is
trebled in ten years. Thanks to such methods, allowed by the
carelessness of the goy States, their treasuries are empty. The period
of loans supervenes, and that has swallowed up remainders and brought
all the goy States to bankruptcy.
You understand perfectly that economic
arrangements of this kind, which have been suggested to the goyim by us,
cannot be carried on by us. Every kind of loan proves infirmity in the
State and a want of understanding of the rights of the State. Loans hang
like a sword of Damocles over the heads of rulers, who, instead of
taking from their subjects by a temporary tax, come begging with
outstretched palm of our bankers. Foreign loans are leeches which there
is no possibility of removing from the body of the State until they fall
off of themselves or the State flings them off. But the goy States do
not tear them off; they go on in persisting in putting more on to
themselves so that they must inevitably perish, drained by voluntary
blood-letting.
What also indeed is, in substance, a loan,
especially a foreign loan? A loan is -- an issue of government bills of
exchange containing a percentage obligation commensurate to the sum of
the loan capital. If the loan bears a charge of 5 percent, then in
twenty years the State vainly pays away in interest a sum equal to the
loan borrowed, in forty years it is paying a double sum, in sixty --
treble, and all the while the debt remains an unpaid debt.
From this calculation it is obvious that
with any form of taxation per head the State is baling out the last
coppers of the poor taxpayers in order to settle accounts with wealthy
foreigners, from whom it has borrowed money instead of collecting these
coppers for its own needs without the additional interest.
So long as loans were internal the goyim
only shuffled money from the pockets of the poor to those of the rich,
but when we bought up the necessary person in order to transfer loans
into the external sphere all the wealth of States flowed into our
cash-boxes and all the goyim began to pay us the tribute of subjects. If
the superficiality of goy kings on their thrones in regard to State
affairs and the venality of ministers or the want of understanding of
financial matters on the part of other ruling persons have made their
countries debtors to our treasuries to amounts quite impossible to pay
it has not been accomplished without on our part heavy expenditure of
trouble and money.
Stagnation of money will not be allowed by
us and therefore there will be no State-interest bearing paper, except a
one-per-cent series, so that there will be no payment of interest to
leeches that suck all the strength out of the State. The right to issue
interest-bearing paper will be given exclusively to industrial companies
who will find no difficulty in paying interest out of profits, whereas
the State does not make interest on borrowed money like these companies,
for the State borrows to spend and not to use in operations.
Industrial papers will be bought also by the
government which from being as now a payer of tribute by loan operations
will be transformed into a lender of money at a profit. This measure
will stop the stagnation of money, parasitic profits and idleness, all
of which were useful for us among the goyim so long as they were
independent but are not desirable under our rule.
How clear is the undeveloped power of
thought of the purely brute brains of the goyim, as expressed in the
fact that they have been borrowing from us with payment of interest
without ever thinking that all the same these very moneys plus an
addition for payment of interest must be got by them from their own
State pockets in order to settle up with us. What could have been
simpler than to take the money they wanted from their own people?
But it is a proof of the genius of our
chosen mind that we have contrived to present the matter of loans to
them in such alight that they have even seen in them an advantage for
themselves.
Our accounts, which we shall present when
the time comes, in the light of centuries of experience gained by
experiments made by us on the goy States, will be distinguished by
clearness and definiteness and will show at a glance to all men the
advantage of our innovations. They will put an end to those abuses to
which we owe our mastery over the goyim, but which cannot be allowed in
our kingdom.
We shall so hedge about our system of
accounting that neither the ruler nor the most insignificant public
servant will be in a position to divert even the smallest sum from its
destination without detection or to direct it in another direction
except that which will be once fixed in a definite plan of action.
And without a definite plan it is impossible
to rule. Marching along an undetermined road and with undetermined
resources brings to ruin by the way heroes and demi-gods. The goy
rulers, whom we once upon a time advised should be distracted from State
occupations by representatives receptions, observances of etiquette,
entertainments, were only screens for our rule. The accounts of favorite
courtiers who replaced them in the sphere of affairs were drawn up for
them by our agents, and every time gave satisfaction to short-sighted
minds by promises that in the future economies and improvements were
foreseen. . . Economies from what? From new taxes? -- were questions
that might have been but were not asked by those who read our accounts
and projects. Internal loans. Debit and taxes.
Conversions. Bankruptcy. Savings banks and rents. Abolition of money
markets. Regulation of industrial values.
To what I reported to you at the last
meeting I shall now add a detailed explanation of internal loans. Of
foreign loans I shall say nothing more, because they have fed us with
the national moneys of the goyim, but for our State there will be no
foreigners, that is, nothing external.
We have taken advantage of the venality of
administrators and the slackness of rulers to get our moneys twice,
thrice and more times over, by lending to the goy governments moneys
which were not at all needed by the States. Could anyone do the like in
regard to us?
Therefore, I shall only deal with the details of
internal loans.
States announce that such a loan is to be concluded
and open subscriptions for their own bills of exchange, that is, for
their interest-bearing paper. That they may be within the reach of all
the price is determined at from a hundred to a thousand; and a discount
is made for the earliest subscribers. Next day by artificial means the
price of them goes up, the alleged reason being that everyone is rushing
to buy them. In a few days the treasury safes are as they say
overflowing and there's more money than they can do with (why then take
it?). The subscription, it is alleged, covers many times over the issue
total of the loan: in this lies the whole stage effect -- look you, they
say, what confidence is shown in the government's bills of exchange.
But when the comedy is played out there
emerges the fact that a debit and an exceedingly burdensome debit has
been created. For the payment of interest it becomes necessary to have
recourse to new loans, which do not swallow up but only add to the
capital debt. And when this credit is exhausted it becomes necessary by
new taxes to cover, not the loan, but only the interest on it. These
taxes are a debit employed to cover a debit. Later comes the time for
conversions, but they diminish the payment of interest without covering
the debt, and besides they cannot be made without the consent of the
lenders; on announcing a conversion a proposal is made to return the
money to those who are not willing to convert their paper. If everybody
expressed his unwillingness and demanded his money back, the government
would be hooked on their own flies and would be found insolvent and
unable to pay the proposed sums. By good luck the subjects of the goy
governments, knowing nothing about financial affairs, have always
preferred losses on exchange and diminution of interest to the risk of
new investments of their moneys, and have thereby many a time enabled
these governments to throw off their shoulders a debit of several
millions.
Nowadays, with external loans, these tricks
cannot be played by the goyim for they know that we shall demand all our
moneys back.
In this way an acknowledged bankruptcy will
best prove to the various countries the absence of any means between the
interests of the peoples and of those who rule them. I beg you to
concentrate your particular attention upon this point, and upon the
following: nowadays all internal loans are consolidated by so-called
flying loans, that is, such as have terms of payment more or less near.
These debts consist of moneys paid into the savings banks and reserve
funds. It left for long at the disposition of a government these funds
evaporate in the payment of interest on foreign loans, and are replaced
by the deposit of equivalent amount of rentes.
When we ascend the throne of the world all
these financial and similar shifts, as being not in accord with our
interests, will be swept away so as not to leave a trace, as also will
be destroyed all money markets, since we shall not allow the prestige of
our power to be shaken by fluctuations of prices set upon our values,
which we shall announce by law at the price which represents their full
worth without any possibility of lowering or raising (Raising gives the
pretext for lowering, which indeed was where we made a beginning in
relation to the values of the goyim.)
We shall replace the money markets by
grandiose government credit institutions, the object of which will be to
fix the price of industrial values in accordance with government views.
These institutions will be in a position to fling upon the market five
hundred millions of industrial paper in one day, or to buy up for the
same amount. In this way all industrial undertakings will come into
dependence upon us. You may imagine for yourselves what immense power we
shall thereby secure for ourselves. . . The secret of what is coming. The
evil of many centuries as the foundation of future well-being. The
aureole of power and its mystical worship.
In all that has so far been reported by
me to you, I have endeavored to depict with care the secret of what is
coming, of what is past, and of what is going on now, rushing into the
flood of the great events coming already in the near future, the secret
of our relations to the goyim and of financial operations. On this
subject there remains still a little for me to add. In our hands is the
greatest power of our day -- gold: in two days we can procure from our
storehouses any quantity we may please.
Surely there is no need to seek further
proof that our rule is predestined by God? Surely we shall not fail with
such wealth to prove that all that evil which for so many centuries we
have had to commit has served at the end of ends the cause of true
well-being -- the bringing of everything into order? Though it be even
by the exercise of some violence, yet all the same it will be
established. We shall contrive to prove that we are benefactors who have
restored to the rend and mangled earth the true good and also freedom of
the person, and therewith we shall enable it to be enjoyed in peace and
quiet, with proper dignity of relations, on the condition, of course, of
strict observance of the laws established by us. We shall make plain
therewith that freedom does not consist in dissipation and in the right
of unbridled license any more than the dignity and force of a man do not
consist in the right for everyone to promulgate destructive principles
in the nature of freedom of conscience, equality and the like, that
freedom of the person in no wise consists in the right to agitate
oneself and others by abominable speeches before disorderly mobs, and
that true freedom consists in the inviolability of the person who
honorably and strictly observes all the laws of life in common, that
human dignity is wrapped up in consciousness of the rights and also of
the absence of rights of each, and not wholly and solely in fantastic
imaginings about the subject of one's ego. Our authority will be glorious because it will Be al powerful, will rule
and guide, and not muddle along after leaders and orators shrieking
themselves hoarse with senseless words which they call great principles
and which are nothing else, to speak honestly, but utopian. . . Our
authority will be the crown of order, and in that is included the whole
happiness of man. The aureole of this authority will inspire a mystical
bowing of the knee before it and a reverent fear before it of all the
peoples. True force makes no terms with any right, not even with that of
God; none dare come near to it so as to take so much as a span from it
away. Reduction of the manufacture of
articles of luxury. Small master production. Unemployment.
Prohibition of drunkenness. Killing out of the old society and its
resurrection in a new form. The chosen one of God. That the peoples may become accustomed to
obedience it is necessary to inculcate lessons of humility and therefore
to reduce the production of articles of luxury. By this we shall improve
morals which have been debased by emulation in the sphere of luxury. We
shall re-establish small master production which will mean laying a mine
under the private capital of manufacturers. This is indispensable also
for the reason that manufacturers on the grand scale often move, though
not always consciously, the thoughts of the masses in directions against
the government. A people of small masters knows nothing of unemployment
and this binds him closely with existing order, and consequently with
the firmness of authority. Unemployment is a most perilous thing for a
government. For us its part will have been played out the moment
authority is transferred into our hands. Drunkenness also will be
prohibited by law and punishable as a crime against the humanness of man
who is turned into a brute under the influence of alcohol. Subjects, I
repeat once more, give blind obedience only to the strong hand which is
absolutely independent of them, for in it they feel the sword for defense
and support against social scourges. . .
What do they want with an
angelic spirit in a king? What they have to see in him is the
personification of force and power.
The supreme lord who will replace all now
existing rulers, dragging on their existence among societies demoralized
by us, societies that have denied even the authority of God, from whose
midst breaks out on all sides the fire of anarchy, must first of all
proceed to quench this all-devouring flame. Therefore he will be obliged
to kill off those existing societies, though he should drench them with
his own blood, that he may resurrect them again in the form of regularly
organized troops fighting consciously with every kind of infection that
may cover the body of the State with sores.
This Chosen One of God is chosen from above
to demolish the senseless forces moved by instinct and not reason, by
brutishness and not humanness. These forces now triumph in
manifestations of robbery and every kind of violence under the mask of
principles of freedom and rights. They have overthrown all forms of
social order to erect on the ruins the throne of the King of the Jews;
but their part will be played out the moment he enters into his kingdom.
Then it will be necessary to sweep them away from his path, on which
must be left no knot, no splinter.
Then will it be possible for us to say to
the peoples of the world: "Give thanks to God and bow the knee before
him who bears on his front the seal of the predestination of man, to
which God himself has led his star that none other but Him might free us
from all the before-mentioned forces and evils." Confirming the roots of King David
(?). Training of the king. Setting aside of direct heirs. The king
and three of his sponsors. The king is fate. Irreproachability of
exterior morality of the King of the Jews. I pass now to the method of confirming
the dynastic roots of King David to the last strata of the earth.
This confirmation will first and foremost be
included in that in which to this day has rested the force of
conservatism by our learned elders of the conduct of all the affairs of
the world, in the directing of the education of thought of all humanity. Certain members of the seed of David will prepare the kings and their
heirs, selecting not by right of heritage but by eminent capacities,
inducting them into the most secret mysteries of the political, into
schemes of government, but providing always that none may come to
knowledge of the secrets. The object of this mode of action is that all
may know that government cannot be entrusted to those who have not been
inducted into the secret places of its art. . .
To these persons only will be taught the
practical application of the aforenamed plans by comparison of the
experiences of many centuries, all the observations on the
politico-economic moves and social sciences -- in a word, all the spirit
of laws which have been unshakably established by nature herself for the
regulation of the relations of humanity.
Direct heirs will often be set aside from
ascending the throne if in their time of training they exhibit
frivolity, softness and other qualities that are the ruin of authority,
which render them incapable of governing and in themselves dangerous for
kingly office.
Only those who are unconditionally capable
for firm, even if it be to cruelty, direct rule will receive the reins
of rule from our learned elders.
In the person of the king who with unbending
will is master of himself and of humanity all will discern as it were
fate with its mysterious ways. None will know what the king wishes to
attain by his dispositions, and therefore none will dare to stand across
an unknown path.
It is understood that the brain reservoir of
the king must correspond in capacity to the plan of government it has to
contain. It is for this reason that he will ascend the throne not
otherwise than after examination of his mind by the aforesaid learned
elders. That the people may know
and love their king it is indispensable for him to converse in the
market-places with his people. This ensures the necessary clinching of
the two forces which are now divided one from another by us by the
terror.
This terror was indispensable for us till
the time come; for both these forces separately to fall under our
influence.
The King of the Jews must not be at the
mercy of his passions, and especially of sensuality: on no side of his
character must he give brute instinct power over his mind, Sensuality
worse than all else disorganizes the capacities of the mind and
clearness of views, distracting the thoughts to the worst and most
brutal side of human activity. The prop of humanity in the person of the
supreme lord of all the world of the holy seed of David must sacrifice
to his people all personal inclinations.
Our supreme lord must be of an exemplary
irreproachability. |
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He Diddled his Anal Clitoris to Them 
Since the protocols
have definitely been followed or emulated, most notably by Nazis and
Communists; it's time to understand and study
what that plan is. A century after
their publication in 1905, history offers an answer as to
the price of not knowing the most concise and frank
blueprint for fascism. From control of the press to economic
wars, knowing the plan's details helps you identify
